Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
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204<br />
(315) ga-nš-i-gl-u-√ya<br />
RPT-1p-3sm-?- ? DIR-√go<br />
We (exclusive) went toward him. (Intransitive + goal IO: no PCC)<br />
(316) a. i-n-l-√ła<br />
3sm-1s-Appl-√stink<br />
He wafts towards me, es shtinkt mir, I smell him.<br />
b. *nš-i-l-√ła →<br />
1p-3sm-Appl-√stink<br />
c. č-nš-l-√ła<br />
3smE-1p-Appl-√stink<br />
He smells us (exclusive). (Intrans. + appl. IO: PCC <strong>and</strong> repair)<br />
(Chinook, Silverstein 1986: 190-2)<br />
Chinook <strong>the</strong>matization is strikingly reminiscent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> absolutive displacement<br />
<strong>of</strong> Western Basque. In both languages, <strong>the</strong> PCC bars 1 st /2 nd person O <strong>and</strong> S<br />
in <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> an applicative argument. Intransitives fall into two classes differentiated<br />
by <strong>the</strong> applicative character <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> IO despite <strong>the</strong>ir o<strong>the</strong>rwise identical<br />
case <strong>and</strong> agreement. Applicative unaccusatives alone are affected by <strong>the</strong> PCC, although<br />
nonapplicative unaccusatives show <strong>the</strong> missing morphology. The PCC is<br />
repaired by coding one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> arguments in <strong>the</strong> same way as <strong>the</strong> EA, ergative.<br />
Unlike in Basque, <strong>the</strong> ergativized argument <strong>of</strong> Chinook is <strong>the</strong> applicative argument<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r than S. This difference would derive from ano<strong>the</strong>r, if it may be posited<br />
between Basque <strong>and</strong> Chinook: whe<strong>the</strong>r IO or S satisfies <strong>the</strong> EPP in (317).<br />
(317) a. [S T(ERG) [vABS IODAT (Appl) … tS]] (Basque)<br />
b. [IO T(ERG) [vABS tIO (Applnumber/gender) … S]] (Chinook)<br />
This Basque-Chinook difference is expected. In languages with 'asymmetric'<br />
applicative constructions, three Agree/Case patterns appear cross-linguistically.<br />
One has been seen so far in Basque, French, <strong>and</strong> Icel<strong>and</strong>ic. IO has an inherent<br />
case, such as <strong>the</strong> dative. It participates in <strong>the</strong> PCC, but not in <strong>the</strong> agreement or<br />
Case <strong>of</strong> S or O. Systems <strong>of</strong> this type differ in whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y raise IO (Icel<strong>and</strong>ic) or<br />
S (Basque, French, Spanish) to satisfy <strong>the</strong> EPP <strong>of</strong> T, for ill-understood reasons.<br />
The second asymmetric pattern is seen in English (318). The applicative object<br />
IO participates in <strong>the</strong> same Agree/Case <strong>and</strong> A-movement as <strong>the</strong> S/O <strong>of</strong> nonapplicative<br />
unaccusatives/transitives. Mohawk, Ojibwa, Nahuatl, <strong>and</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Tiwa are o<strong>the</strong>r languages <strong>of</strong> this type, similar to Chinook in agreement <strong>and</strong> case<br />
morphology (Dryer 1986, Baker 1996: chapters 5, 9). The remaining S/O <strong>of</strong> an<br />
applicative unaccusative/transitive must be licensed differently. In English it<br />
might be by inherent Case or a silent PP (Larson 1988, Pesetsky 1995, Baker<br />
1997). In Mohawk it incorporates (Baker 1996). In Nahuatl (319) <strong>and</strong> in Sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Tiwa it controls extra number/gender but not person agreement (Baker 1996:<br />
194f., 2008: 3.3.3). This agreement may be viewed as a number/gender probe on<br />
<strong>the</strong> Appl head <strong>of</strong> applicative constructions, (317)b, where <strong>the</strong> IO will not interfere