Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
160<br />
Basque will be described, since it will be important throughout this chapter for ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> PCC as well. 116 The Basque system <strong>of</strong> case <strong>and</strong> agreement system<br />
exhibits an ergative-absolutive alignment, ra<strong>the</strong>r than nominative-accusative one.<br />
The objects <strong>of</strong> transitives <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> subjects <strong>of</strong> unaccusatives have absolutive case<br />
<strong>and</strong> agreement (gloss A), while <strong>the</strong> subjects <strong>of</strong> transitives <strong>and</strong> unergatives have<br />
ergative case <strong>and</strong> agreement (gloss E), (248). The agreement <strong>of</strong> both is obligatory.<br />
When a dative (gloss D) is present, it must ordinarily agree as well, by its own<br />
dedicated agreement morphology, (248)a. When <strong>the</strong> absolutive object is 1 st /2 nd<br />
person, dative agreement is impossible through <strong>the</strong> PCC, (248)b. Just <strong>the</strong>n, a nonagreeing<br />
dative is exceptionally permitted, for most speakers.<br />
(248) a. Miren-ij haurr-akk eramango di-zkik-oj-te / *d-itk-u-zte<br />
Miren-D children-PL.A bring.will R.3pAk.3sDj.3pE / R.3pAj.3pE<br />
b. Miren-ij zuk eramango zak-itk-u-zte / *zak-i-zkik-oj-te<br />
Miren-D you.A bring.will R.2pAk.3pE / *R.2pAk.3sDj.3pE<br />
They will bring <strong>the</strong> children/*you.A to Miren.D. (agreeing dative)<br />
They will bring you/*<strong>the</strong> children.A to Miren.D. (nonagreeing dative)<br />
(Western Basque)<br />
Elordieta (2001) establishes through c-comm<strong>and</strong> diagnostics that <strong>the</strong> agreeing<br />
datives <strong>of</strong> Basque are in <strong>the</strong> applicative construction. There is no prepositional<br />
construction for datives. The repair works as in French to create full, nonagreeing<br />
dative PPs. Consequently, <strong>the</strong> repaired datives cannot have interpretations that<br />
need <strong>the</strong> applicative construction, like possessor (249) or causee (250).<br />
(249) a. Miren-i haurr-ak besoetara bota di-zki-o-te / *d-it-u-zte<br />
b. Miren-i zu besoetara bota *za-it-u-zte / *za-i-zki-o-te<br />
They will throw (bota) <strong>the</strong> children/*you.A (haurrak/*zu) into <strong>the</strong><br />
arms (besoetara) Miren-D = into Miren's arms.<br />
(possessor dative, Eastern/Western Basque)<br />
(250) a. Miren-i haurrak etxe-ra ekarr-arazi *di-zki-o-te / *d-it-u-zte<br />
b. *Miren-i zu etxe-ra ekarr-arazi *za-it-u-zte / *za-i-zki-o-te<br />
They will make bring (ekarrarazi) Miren.D <strong>the</strong> children/*you.A<br />
(haurrak/*zu) home (etxera).<br />
(causee dative, Eastern/Western Basque, cf. (248))<br />
The facts described so far hold for Western Basque. Eastern Basque differs in<br />
<strong>the</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> both agreeing <strong>and</strong> nonagreeing independently <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> PCC, so that<br />
(248)a is good with dituzte. The former are applicative, <strong>the</strong> latter prepositional, so<br />
that Eastern Basque has <strong>the</strong> prepositional construction that Western Basque lacks<br />
French: 3 rd person accusatives differ from datives in clitic <strong>and</strong> nonclitic form <strong>and</strong> in doubling<br />
conditions, but 1 st /2 nd person are identical in all respects to datives (Ormazabal <strong>and</strong> Romero<br />
2009). It remains to be explained why 1/2.ACC can be targeted by <strong>the</strong> repair only when <strong>the</strong> dative<br />
is itself 1/2.DAT, not 3.DAT; see section 5.8 for related discussion <strong>of</strong> Georgian.<br />
116 The description is resumed from Rezac (2009), where fur<strong>the</strong>r details are given.