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Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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190<br />

repair accusative relationships occur across an indefinite phrase-structural distance<br />

without an interpretive relationship to <strong>the</strong> matrix clause.<br />

(287) Minu-ni täyty-y ti men-nä kaupunki-in näkemään sinu-t / se<br />

me-GEN must-3SG go-INF city-ALL see-INF you-ACC / it-NOM<br />

I must go to <strong>the</strong> city to see you / it.<br />

(Finnish, section 5.5)<br />

The Agree/Case relations added to unaccusatives by <strong>the</strong> PCC repair are <strong>the</strong> accusative<br />

in <strong>the</strong> nominative-accusative system <strong>of</strong> Finnish, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ergative in <strong>the</strong><br />

ergative-absolutive one <strong>of</strong> Basque <strong>and</strong> Chinook. These two relations share <strong>the</strong> important<br />

'odd man out' property. The accusative is <strong>the</strong> relation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> transitive object<br />

O, beside <strong>the</strong> nominative common to <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> unaccusatives S <strong>and</strong><br />

transitives EA, (288)a; <strong>the</strong> ergative is <strong>the</strong> relation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> transitive subject EA,<br />

beside <strong>the</strong> absolutive common to S <strong>and</strong> O, (288)b. The ergative <strong>and</strong> accusative are<br />

<strong>the</strong> extra Agree/Case relation that transitives have over unaccusatives. This is<br />

Burzio's Generalization in nominative-accusative systems, <strong>and</strong> its mirror image in<br />

ergative-absolutive ones, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> keystone <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> dependent Case.<br />

(288) a. Accusative system: EA ST-nom Ov-acc<br />

b. Ergative system: EAT-erg S Ov-abs<br />

The <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> dependent Case presupposes that <strong>the</strong> ergative is a structural Case,<br />

as are uncontroversially <strong>the</strong> accusative, nominative, <strong>and</strong> absolutive. The assumption<br />

needs some defence. It may be provided from Basque, which will be <strong>the</strong> language<br />

to illustrate <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dependent ergative, <strong>and</strong> later <strong>of</strong> unaccusative<br />

repairs by it.<br />

A variety <strong>of</strong> analyses exist for ergative-absolutive systems, <strong>and</strong> appear to match<br />

<strong>the</strong> underlying variety <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> systems <strong>the</strong>mselves. In some, <strong>the</strong> ergative is inherent<br />

Case (Massam 2006, An<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Nevins 2006, Woolford 1997, 2006, Legate 2006,<br />

2008). In o<strong>the</strong>rs it is robustly structural. The structural character <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ergative<br />

Agree/Case relation in Basque may be illustrated briefly in (289) <strong>and</strong> (290); it is<br />

fur<strong>the</strong>r discussed in Albizu, Etxepare <strong>and</strong> Rezac (in prep), drawing notably on Artiagoitia's<br />

(2001ab) study <strong>of</strong> raising-to-ergative <strong>and</strong> ergative expletives.<br />

(289) a. [Nesk-ak nekatuta dire-la] iruditzen zai-t<br />

girls-ABS tired R.3pA-that seeming R.3sA.1sD<br />

It seems to me like/that <strong>the</strong> girls are tired.<br />

b. Nesk-aki [nekatuta (dire-la)] iruditzen zai-zkii-t.<br />

girls-ABSi tired R.3pA-that seeming R.3pAi.1sD<br />

The girls seem to me (like <strong>the</strong>y are) tired.<br />

(290) a. [Nesk-ak nekatuta dire-la] ematen du<br />

girls-ABS tired R.3pA-that seeming R.3sE<br />

It seems like/that <strong>the</strong> girls are tired.<br />

b. Nesk-eki [nekatuta (dire-la)] ematen du-tei.

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