Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

(130) a. Je connais cette fillei. Je luii parle souvent. (dative)
Je connais cette fillei. Je parle (*à ellei) souvent (*à ellei).
I know this girl. I her.D speak to her often to her
b. Je connais cette fillei. J' yi pense souvent. (locative)
Je connais cette fillei. J' pense (à ellei) souvent (à ellei).
I know this girl. I LOC think to her often to her
(Cliticization Requirement; for human y see note 57)
– Placement: Locative clitics have greater freedom of placement with respect
to adverbs, and of clitic climbing in raising, ECM, and causatives,
than dative and accusative clitics, suggesting different landing sites or
mechanisms. This too may follow from the greater richness of pro-full-
PPs, and is perhaps to be related to the greater freedom of weak than clitic
pronoun placement (see section 4.7 and Appendix A). 61
– Person Case Constraint: Only dative and accusative clitics interact in the
PCC. Locative and genitive may co-occur with 1 st /2 nd /SE accusative clitics,
and may have a 1 st /2 nd person interpretation in combination with a dative
clitic. This again reduces to the DP-PP difference since on the Agree/Case
approach to the PCC, arguments within PPs are invisible to it.
(131) a. *Je me luii donne entièrement, à sa sœuri.
I me.A her.D give entirely to his sister
b. Je m' yi attache / intéresse trop, à sa sœuri.
I me.A LOC(=to/in.her) attach / interest too.much to his sister
c. Cette photo me fait penser à toii
This photo makes me think of you
(1990: 178), Cardinaletti and Starke (1999), Schwegler (1990: 229 note 49), Zribi-Hertz (2008:
599, 600 note 11, 619). Analytical options are discussed in Kayne (2000: 179 note 11), Cardinaletti
and Starke (1999: 222 note 35). Thus the differences in (i) vs. (ii):
(i) a Il téléphone autant à moi qu'à Jacques. b ?*Il aime autant moi que Jacques.
He phones as.much to me as to Jacques He likes as.much me as Jacques [does]
(Tasmowski 1985: 245)
(ii) a J'ai parlé beaucoup à Maï, et elle à moi. b J'ai salué Mäi, (?*et elle moi).
I have spoken much to Maï, and she to me I have greeted Maï, and she me
(but Kayne 2000: 170 gives a variant of (b) as ?)
61 For greater freedom of climbing, see Kayne (1975: 4.5-6). For the greater freedom of y, en
placement, in literary French, see Kayne (1975: 79 note 7, 1991: 653 note 18), Tasmowski
(1985: 259 note 18), Cinque (2002). In clitic climbing, accusative and dative clitics are subject to
the same restrictions and so inseparable, although see note 67, but locative and genitive clitic often
can be separated from them, Kayne (1975: 427-430), Rouveret and Vergnaud (1980: 153ff.),
Postal (1981: 316f., 1983: 409f., 1990: 166), Tasmowski (1985: 231 note 5, 295 note 23, 365
note 3). Cf. Cardinaletti and Shlonsky (2004: 526 note 6), and Appendix A.
93