Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
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218<br />
(337) Je (*vous) ferai [edge téléphonerV IlseACC [InfP tV (à Maï / *vous)].<br />
I (*you.D) will.make telephone Ilse (to Maï / *you).<br />
(French, section 4.6)<br />
There is thus a natural way to discriminate between <strong>the</strong> PCC <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> cliticization<br />
problems in (334). The PCC is a clitic-independent failure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> licensing <strong>of</strong><br />
[+person] elements. Pure cliticization failure to meet <strong>the</strong> Σ-deficiency <strong>of</strong> pronouns<br />
is a PF problem. This view <strong>of</strong> Σ-deficiency is compatible with different ways to<br />
meet it, including postsyntactic attachment <strong>and</strong> syntactic attachment to dedicated<br />
Σ-heads <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> functional architecture, provided <strong>the</strong> requirement is not itself visible<br />
to syntax as an uninterpretable feature. <strong>Modular</strong>ity draws <strong>the</strong> right dividing<br />
line between <strong>the</strong> PCC <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> extra-syntactic problems in (334).<br />
Transitive repairs akin to that <strong>of</strong> French are found in Spanish, Basque, Georgian,<br />
<strong>and</strong> probably widely (e.g. Baker 1996: 442 on Mayali). The Western Basque<br />
repair is conspicuous both for underlying identity with that <strong>of</strong> French <strong>and</strong> superficial<br />
incarnation in a very different system (Rezac 2009). It was introduced in section<br />
5.2 <strong>and</strong> is shown again in (338). Dative <strong>and</strong> absolutive arguments obligatorily<br />
agree, as prefix <strong>and</strong> suffix respectively, (338)a. In <strong>the</strong> PCC context (338)b, dative<br />
<strong>and</strong> 1 st /2 nd person absolutive agreement are incompatible. Then dative agreement<br />
is exceptionally suspended, provided <strong>the</strong> dative is an indirect object <strong>and</strong> not a<br />
purely applicative argument like possessor ((249)-(250)). The dative becomes a<br />
full, nonagreeing PP, which does not independently exist in Western Basque, but<br />
does in Eastern Basque (again, for indirect objects only). Absolutive agreement<br />
cannot be suspended under any circumstances, even when dative agreement cannot<br />
be.<br />
(338) a. Miren-ij haurr-akk eramango di-zkik-oj-te / *d-itk-u-zte<br />
Miren-D children-PL.A bring.will R.3pAk.3sDj.3pE / R.3pAk.3pE<br />
b. Miren-ij zuk eramango zak-itk-u-zte / *zak-i-zkik-oj-te<br />
Miren-D you.A bring.will R.2pAk.3pE / *R.2pAk.3sDj.3pE<br />
They will bring <strong>the</strong> children/*you.A to Miren.D (agreeing dative).<br />
They will bring *<strong>the</strong> children/√you.A to Miren.D (nonagr. dative).<br />
(Basque, =(248))<br />
These properties <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Western Basque repair echo those <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> French one.<br />
The two repairs may be taken as identical. Both turn <strong>the</strong> defective PPDAT that may<br />
but in (337) it is trapped below <strong>the</strong> accusative causee. ℜ can now do nothing, even if <strong>the</strong> problem<br />
with <strong>the</strong> clitic were repairable by streng<strong>the</strong>ning <strong>the</strong> dative to a full PP. The resulting PP cannot<br />
be put back inside <strong>the</strong> already transferred InfP phase, <strong>and</strong> it cannot remain in its intermediate position,<br />
as Bošković (2002: 136-8) shows for successive-cyclic movement generally (cf. Who has<br />
said (*what) Mary ate (what)?) This entails that even if <strong>the</strong> ban (334)c on mediopassive se + dative<br />
clitic were to fall under PCC in (i), where proarb blocks T-DAT Agree necessary for DAT licensing<br />
(sections 4.6, 4.7), <strong>the</strong> DAT is irreparable if <strong>the</strong> v is a phase.<br />
(i) TNOM [edge proarb (*DATclitic) NOM vmediopassive [… tDAT [V tNOM]]]