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Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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242<br />

Pragmatic Concord Index<br />

sudija 'judge' SGM/F SGM/F SGM/F<br />

sudije 'judges' PLM/F PLF PLF<br />

vrata 'door(s)' SGN PLN PLN<br />

devojče 'girl' SGF SGN SGN<br />

gospoda 'gentlemen' PLM SGF PLN (pronouns PLM)<br />

braća 'bro<strong>the</strong>rs' PLM SGF PLN<br />

deća 'children' PLM/N/F SGF PLN<br />

Pragmatic: Co-referential pronouns through pragmatic redescription.<br />

Concord: DP modifiers (including relative pronouns) <strong>and</strong> secondary predicates.<br />

Index: Pronouns (bound, resumptive, coreferential, relative), participle <strong>and</strong> predicate adjective,<br />

finite verb (number only).<br />

These mismatches illustrate two points. One is that grammatical <strong>and</strong> not only<br />

'semantic' gender counts for conditions on pronominal anaphora, such as <strong>the</strong> neuter<br />

versus masculine gender <strong>of</strong> braća 'bro<strong>the</strong>rs' in (371). These conditions are<br />

thought to be interpretive at least in cases like (371) where <strong>the</strong>y span clauses.<br />

(371) Streo sam braćui. Onai su došla. / Onii su došli<br />

I.met bro<strong>the</strong>rs 3PLN came.PLN 3PLM came.PLM<br />

I met <strong>the</strong> bro<strong>the</strong>rs. They (plural neuter / masculine) came.<br />

(Serbo-Croatian, Wechsler <strong>and</strong> Zlatić 2000: 815, adapted)<br />

Wechsler <strong>and</strong> Zlatić (1998, 2003: chapter 9) find that both genders are available<br />

for bound <strong>and</strong> coreferential pronouns in Serbo-Croatian:<br />

– Grammatical gender for nominative-bound reflexives in <strong>the</strong> type The/every<br />

girli likes herselfi (SGN for devojče 'girl').<br />

– Semantic gender on reflexives bound by non-nominatives, <strong>and</strong> on pronouns<br />

in He told <strong>the</strong>/every girli that he likes heri (SGF for devojče 'girl').<br />

– Ei<strong>the</strong>r gender for non-c-comm<strong>and</strong>ed pronouns on co-referential <strong>and</strong> e-type<br />

readings (SGN or SGF for devojče 'girl').<br />

A similar state <strong>of</strong> affairs obtains in French for nouns like SGF sentinelle 'patrol',<br />

PLF lunettes 'eyeglasses', although with different preferences <strong>and</strong> occasional<br />

difficulty in picking any gender (cf. Morin 1978: 362, or cases like <strong>the</strong> '<strong>the</strong> pregnant<br />

fish/tyrant' where poisson 'fish', tyrant 'tyrant' are SGM). Thus some grammatical<br />

gender appears to be present in <strong>the</strong> interpretive component. 178<br />

178 These considerations seem serious obstacles to <strong>the</strong> view <strong>of</strong> grammatical gender as purely syntactic,<br />

uninterpretable, <strong>and</strong> deleted by LF (Rezac 2004a: 28, Bošković 2009). One could remove

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