Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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When such adjectives are embedded under ECM, dative cliticization is impossible
for some, (227) (Kayne 1975: 4.6, Couquaux (1975: 71 note 11). This
grammar is predicted by theories that would stop pronoun cliticization in (225)a at
the embedded subject by the Specified Subject Condition (Kayne 1975: 4.6,
Emonds 1999: 345; cf. Den Dikken 2006 for small clause phasehood), or because
pronominal cliticization is driven by the Agree/Case system and stops at the first
accusative (Anagnostopoulou 2003, Solà 2002, Rezac 2005). 106
(227) a. Tout le monde croyait Jean antipathique à Marie.
b. *Tout le monde te croyait Jean antipathique.
c. *Tout le monde te le croyait antipathique.
everyone you.D him.A believed Jean unpleasant to Marie
(cf. Kayne 1975: 305f.)
Others however do permit dative clitic climbing here (cf. Fauconnier 1983: 28,
Legendre 1989b: 113, Miller 1992: 192). For one set of speakers, climbing is not
permited to result in dative-accusative cluster with a 1/2/SE clitic, (228). Among
the illegitimate clusters is the PCC set, 1/2/SE.ACC + DAT, but also bad are
1/2/SE.DAT + ACC, which are otherwise good in French. 107
(228) a. On la/*vous leur croit sympathique.
one her/*you.A them.D believes sympathetic.
b. *On nous/se la croit sympathique.
On nous/se croit sympathique Ilse et Xena.
one us/SE.D her.A believes sympathetic Ilse and Xena
To cliticize past the accusative, the dative might bypass it through the edge of
the small clause, (229), in the same way that Object Shift to [Spec, vP] bypasses
the subject in a lower [Spec, vP] in Chomsky (2000a, 2001). Object Shift also furnishes
a model for parametrization: it is available to all DPs in Icelandic, to pronouns
only in Mainland Scandinavian, corresponding to (228), and only if feeding
further A'-movement in English, corresponding to (227) (dative A'-extraction out
of ECM clauses is fine in French, Kayne 1975: 306).
106 As in Spanish object-control restructuring configurations, which permit accusative past dative
climbing, but not dative past accusative (Rivas 1977).
107 Speakers with this pattern often find ECM with dative clitic climbing grammatical but difficult
to understand; reactions to On (le) leur croit sympathique (Paul) 'One believes him.A (le) /
Paul sympathetic to them.D (leur)' recall Higginbotham's (1991: 128) for John is too clever to
expect us to catch. The causativization of ECM in On me la lui a fait croire fidèle 'One has made
me.D (me) believe her.A (la) faithful to him.D (lui)' (Postal 1983: 393 note 25), seems more difficult.
The reflexive clitic is even more variable, (*)Elle se (le) croit fidèle (Paul) 'She believes
him.A (le) / Paul faithful herself.D (se)'. Speakers vary on the relative badness of
1/2.ACC+3.DAT vs. 3.ACC+1/2.DAT clusters, but not consistently. It is difficult to see if the
dative clitic licenses a bare floating quantifier, Je la leuri aurait tousi cru fidèle 'I would have believed
her faithful to them.D (leur) all (tous)'; judgments become quite uncertain.