Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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266 purely syntactic phi-features. If there is more to be said, it is about the interface of syntax and PF/LF. One might speculate, for instance, that Agree/Case relations permit the 3SG phi-features of 1PL on to be deleted, or on to be linked to 1PL phifeatures in the clause, as suggested at the end of section 6.3. No light has been shed on the potential autonomy of interpretive from syntactic phi-features. The 1PL of on might be absent from syntax, but it might be needed there, and its invisibility to certain mechanisms can be straightforwardly modelled by making its 3SG more prominent. Similar devices can ensure that the masculine of French laideron 'ugly woman' is visible only for concord. There is no overstating the tentativeness of these conclusions. The inertness of the 3SG of 1PL on or the masculine of laideron for interpretive dependencies is striking. Yet no more so than Chomsky's (1975) argument from (411)a that syntactic plural marking can be autonomous of interpretive entailments. Such 'dependent' plurals admit of a different treatment, unspecified for number, and the inferences in (411) depend on world knowledge, not plural semantics (Zweit 2008, Seuren 2005). It has also been seen in the last section that there may be interpretive coercions that affect syntactic phi-specifications, in perhaps only apparent contrast to autonomy. Whatever future inquiry brings, phi-mismatches are likely to prove fruitful in exploring this central ground of the relationship of syntax and interpretation (cf. Chomsky 1975, 1977, 2000b, Higginbotham 1985, 1991, McGilvray 1998, Fox 2000, Jackendoff 2002, Pietroski 2005, Hinzen 2006). (411) a. Unicycles have wheels. (→only one wheel per unicycle) b. Hotel rooms have bathrooms. (→at least one bathroom per room) c. Students have supervisors. (→need not be one supervisor per student) ((a) Chomsky 1975, (b, c) Seuren 2005) The autonomy of syntactic phi-features from interpretation corresponds to the more robust conclusions drawn in chapter 3 for syntax and realization. Syntax and realizational morphology both access and manipulate phi-features, but as separate modules distinct in information and computation, and limited in interaction. Theories of modularity should derive this as a matter of principle. The classical Y/T model fits well, as do proposals that only partially weaken it and those that strengthen it. Modularity does not bar all sharing of information or mechanism and rich interactions between modules, nor limit the influence that realization might have on syntax in the choice of primitives and the content of lexical items during acquisition (Aronoff, Meir and Sandler 2005). On the interpretive side, all is murkier, but the same principles hold. A partial sharing of information types between modules is instantiated by phifeatures themselves, as a common alphabet across syntax, interpretation, and realization. A modular architecture requires a way to share information, and so it must relate alphabets across modules. However, it is surprising to find a common alphabet, and atypical of other primitives that map across the modules quite indirectly. Through phi-features, syntax, interpretation and realization operate and interact in commensurable ways. Here perhaps is a key to the central role of phi-
267 featural relationships in syntax, from Agree/Case to A'-movement and concord. It is the natural alphabet for syntactic dependencies that affect both PF and LF, and that are in turn acquired from PF and LF evidence.
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Title: Phi-features and the Modular
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4.6.3 Arbitrary clitic cluster gaps
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Conventions and glosses Cross-refer
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Preface This work uses phi-features
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1 Modularity, phi-features, and rep
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(4) a. Irati-rii nesk-ak/*ekk gusta
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Lyer illusion, a line terminating i
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Lexicon This simple model may be en
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(12) As far as Johni is concerned,
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(18) a. *(Some goatsi) seemi/*seems
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Uninterpretable phenomena should no
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d. There were shown (*her) to be fi
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able features, and ultimately expli
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1997, Yang 1997, Jacobson 1997, Fra
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Syntax: syntactic but not properly
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(44) Morphology-free syntax: Syntax
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(Distributed Morphology) (49) a. Sy
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In Aronoff's example, it may be eas
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(53) v dolea/zákonub/kolec/máled/
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a. 3SG/PL.DAT le/les + 3SGM/3SGF/3P
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(62) a. Elle*x∈i lai/∅i lui a d
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Morphology might also need devices
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agreement exponent maps to another
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singular or 1 st /2 nd person plura
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frire 'fry' (e.g. 1PL *frions vs. r
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domains. The well-studied English c
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not cross this distance, just as in
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There are more robust cases of appa
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ecause then there is no crossing of
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(85) a. n-waabm-aa b. n-waabm-ig c.
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2- go.home go.home 2SG.SU he goes h
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sion is that EA and O PH-interactio
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(92) a. [DP Johni 'sD° [IP PROi no
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uci-maceha-t [mesq mace-ntu]]. from
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see her, PRO to see her, your/you s
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)movement (Nichols 2001, cf. chapte
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distribution of inverse morphemes i
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. No direct-like version with 3EA
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suppose that its oblique EA does no
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fact. Thus the oblique-like EA of i
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movement through probes for individ
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digm (114) reveals the exception to
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Lucille her/you.A them.D/LOC will.i
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structures that only occur in conte
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1PL nous no-tre/s nous, on nous 2PL
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(126) a. Il lesi (lui) a dit-esi. H
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(130) a. Je connais cette fillei. J
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cliticization may take place, as fu
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(134) a. Pourquoi est-ce que Jean p
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(137) a. [Film synopsis:] L'étrang
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101 seen in section 4.5. Thus the P
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103 To sum up this section, the PCC
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Dative clitics continue to license
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107 These possibilities can be cont
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4.4.6 Overview 109 The syntax and i
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4.5.2 Possessive, dessus, and benef
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c. Azenor les laisse être mangés
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115 Pierre will.make SE.D buy a wat
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117 arise through the intervention
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119 The causee of the connaître-cl
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121 The syntactic character of the
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123 Paul seems to her to be unpleas
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125 *sans se leur en prendre. sans
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127 a. aux agriculteurs de vos rég
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4.6.5 Datives in DPs and APs 129 Th
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131 c. L'infinitifi […] a été t
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133 (210) a. Elle photographiait *v
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135 These peoplei are going to be q
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137 1/2.ACC DAT clusters. Thus, the
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139 tic doubling allows unfocussed
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141 This view of the PCC repair ori
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143 of French unfocussed pronouns.
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145 the possessum (section 4.5). Al
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147 When such adjectives are embedd
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legitimate in ECM but not elsewhere
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151 These are very tentative sugges
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5 Repairs and uninterpretable featu
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155 terpretation, not problems that
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157 (241) Person Case Constraint (A
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5.2.2 Intervention 159 In the Agree
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161 (Etxepare and Oyharçabal 2008a
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tive within the TP, the PCC disappe
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165 you.ABS visit-ing liking R.3sAi
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167 - It is unclear whether dative
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169 PCC are tied up with this issue
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5.3.2 The choice of mechanisms The
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(264) [DATapplicative [v+P[+person:
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175 some structure always wins the
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177 distinct from syntax and from e
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179 These observations do not mean
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may also lead to the (re-)Merge of
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183 (279) Numeration: The numeratio
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185 they lead to ineffability. Vari
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187 distinction between valued unin
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189 she believed to.have been bough
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girls-ERG tired R.3pA-that seem R.3
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193 To integrate dependent Case, di
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195 depends on what other probes ex
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197 b. She vacc+showed (*the studen
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199 The structures of interest for
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201 (Basque, Tolosa T1, Rezac 2008c
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203 (313) (i-kalai) ga-či-łj-(a)
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205 with it (Rezac 2006: 3.7, 2008b
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207 agreement (Holmberg 2005, Holmb
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209 of Icelandic and Finnish, not n
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211 (329) Minu-ni täyty-y ti men-n
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stead in Table 5.3. The dative inte
Page 215 and 216: 215 This application of ℜ has som
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Page 221 and 222: 221 way. IOs must normally be appli
Page 223 and 224: 223 The facility of modeling both r
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Page 227 and 228: 227 of the target, goal, and the pa
Page 229 and 230: 229 tives, the relationship of EA-O
Page 231 and 232: 231 Pesetsky and Torrego forthc, Wi
Page 233 and 234: 233 For an important class of synta
Page 235 and 236: 235 The conditions on these depende
Page 237 and 238: 6 Phi in syntax and phi interpretat
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Page 241 and 242: speaker/addressee because the more
Page 243 and 244: 243 The second point illustrated by
Page 245 and 246: 245 The quasi-existential on in (37
Page 247 and 248: 247 Everywhere onei (on) presents o
Page 249 and 250: 249 *[Marie and I] found.3PL themse
Page 251 and 252: 251 to Agree by locality, if it wer
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Page 255 and 256: 255 of 3 rd person. This is so even
Page 257 and 258: 257 of diachrony and grammaticaliza
Page 259 and 260: 259 tain configurations like (385),
Page 261 and 262: person 'impostors' for the speaker/
Page 263 and 264: 263 like invite, which do not. The
Page 265: 265 sions and eliminations of a mor
Page 269 and 270: 269 Carruthers, Peter, Stephen Laur
Page 271 and 272: 271 Moravcsik, Edith A. 1978. Agree
Page 273 and 274: 7.2 Chapter 2 273 Ackema, Peter, an
Page 275 and 276: 275 De Crousaz, Isabelle, and Ur Sh
Page 277 and 278: 277 Luís, Ana R., and Andrew Spenc
Page 279 and 280: 279 Szendrői, Kriszta. 2005. Focus
Page 281 and 282: 281 Bobaljik, Jonathan David, and P
Page 283 and 284: 283 Rosen, Carol. 1990. Rethinking
Page 285 and 286: 285 Bianchi, Valentina. 1999. Conse
Page 287 and 288: 287 Fauconnier, Gilles. 1983. Gener
Page 289 and 290: 289 Legendre, Geraldine. 1989a. Inv
Page 291 and 292: 291 Rezac, Milan. 2010a. Ineffabili
Page 293 and 294: 7.5 Chapter 5 293 Abels, Klaus. 200
Page 295 and 296: 295 Bobaljik, Jonathan David, and P
Page 297 and 298: 297 Den Dikken, Marcel. 2001. 'Plur
Page 299 and 300: 299 Holmberg, Anders, and Christer
Page 301 and 302: 301 McCreight, Katherine. 1988. Mul
Page 303 and 304: 303 Rezac, Milan. 2008c. The syntax
Page 305 and 306: 305 Vainikka, Anne Marjatta. 1989.
Page 307 and 308: 307 Cabredo Hofherr, Patricia. 2003
Page 309 and 310: 309 Landau, Idan. 2000. Elements of
Page 311: 311 Sigurðsson, Halldór Ármann.
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