Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

girls-ERG tired R.3pA-that seem R.3pEi
The girls seem (like they are) tired.
c. [Kontu-aki hobetzen ari direi-la] ematen du-tei
accounts-ABS getting.better R.3pA-that seeming R.3pEi
The accounts seem like they are getting better.
(Basque)
In (289) is the raising-to-absolutive verb iruditu. In (289)a it takes a finite
complement and a silent 3SG.ABS expletive controls the agreement. Alternatively
in (289)b (without direla), it may take a small clause complement and raise its
subject to the matrix absolutive relation, or (with direla) a finite complement and
copy-raise its subject. Perfectly parallel to it is the raising-to-ergative verb eman
in (290), but now the matrix Agree/Case relation is ergative. In (290)a, agreement
indicates a 3SG.ERG expletive. In (290)b, the subject of the small or finite clause
complement (copy-)raises to matrix ergative case and agreement. Artiagoitia
(2001ab) carefully shows that such (copy-)raising is distinct from the thematic use
of seem in the sense of give appearance, because the matrix verb bears no thematic
relationship to the raised subject. Remarkable support can be adduced from
(290)c: matrix ergative agreement occurs with the absolutive subject of an embedded
clause, similar to English There seem like there are some books on the shelf.
The matrix clause cannot have any thematic argument corresponding to the ergative,
due to Condition C (cf. He*i seems like Johni is tired). 138
This and other evidence shows that the ergative and absolutive Agree/Case relations
in Basque are structural, like the nominative and accusative in Icelandic.
There are other systematic parallelisms between the Basque ergative-accusative
system and typical nominative-accusative ones, such as the existence of only one
instance of each Agree/Case relation per CP, the hierarchical configurations of the
core arguments where EA c-commands O, and the acquisition of true subjecthood
properties by EA and S but not O. They suggest a parallel theory of both systems
(Bobaljik 1993, Laka 1993b, 2000, cf. Ortiz de Urbina 1989, Oyharçabal 1992,
Legate 2006, 2008). In both, there are two active Agree/Case loci. One is lower
and relates to O, vACC/ABS; the other is higher and relates to EA, TNOM/ERG (we return
to other possibilities such as FinERG, AspABS). The Obligatory Case Parameter
(292) switches between nominative-accusative and ergative-absolutive systems
(Bobaljik 1993, Laka 1993b, 2000).
(291) Nominative-accusative Ergative-absolutive
a. TNOM EA vACC O b. TERG EA vABS O Transitive
191
138 For more on Basque raising, see Rezac (2008a), Albizu (2009), and for Basque generally,
section 5.6. There is idiolectal variation in Basque on the availability of copy-raising (Argiatoigita
2001ab) and more so for remote agreement, as in English (Potsdam and Runner 2001).
The structural character of the ergative does not bar relating it to prepositional cases through a
high clausal head akin to a prepositional complementizer, cf. note 137 and Rezac (2006). For
evidence from dative interference that the ergative is higher than the dative, see Rezac (2008a:
4.4).