Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
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133<br />
(210) a. Elle photographiait *vous / *vous autres / *vous deux / *vous tous.<br />
she photographed you you o<strong>the</strong>rs you two you all<br />
b. Elle en <strong>of</strong>frira à *vous / ??vous autres / ?vous deux / vous tous.<br />
she GEN will.<strong>of</strong>fer to you you o<strong>the</strong>rs you two you all<br />
c. Elle pensait à vous / vous deux.<br />
she thought to you you two<br />
(cf. Kayne 1975: 177-9, 2000: 171f.)<br />
A different pattern may be found with clitic-doubled strong pronouns. 93 Focussed<br />
strong pronouns can be clitic-doubled, <strong>and</strong> for some must be (note 60). Unfocussed<br />
strong pronouns alone cannot be clitic doubled, only clitic right-dislocated<br />
(cf. De Cat 2007, Lambrecht 1981, Auger 1994: 2.3.3). In coordinations, <strong>the</strong>se<br />
constraints change, perhaps: focussed strong pronouns can or must be clitic doubled<br />
as normally, but unfocussed strong pronouns seem to gain <strong>the</strong> capacity to be<br />
doubled, (211). There is great variation among speakers <strong>and</strong> over time. Parallel<br />
examples with locative <strong>and</strong> genitive pronouns are always judged as clitic right dislocation,<br />
even when <strong>the</strong>re is no dislocation prosody. 94<br />
(211) a. Bien sur qu'elle vous en veut! Elle vous/t' a vus toi et ton frère {ennuyer<br />
ce pauvre lapin} / {arriver}.<br />
Of course she has it in for you! She you(PL/SG).A saw you(SG) <strong>and</strong> your<br />
bro<strong>the</strong>r {annoy this poor rabbit} / {arriving}.<br />
b. Quoi? Elle ne connaît pas Paul? Maïs elle leur/lui PARLE à lui et à<br />
son copain chaque matin!<br />
What? She doesn't know Paul? But she <strong>the</strong>m/him.D SPEAKS to him <strong>and</strong><br />
his friend every morning!<br />
When examples like (211) are judged good without dislocation, accusatives<br />
<strong>and</strong> datives are both equally good, as <strong>the</strong>y are under dislocation. This is in striking<br />
contrast with undoubled pronouns, in <strong>and</strong> out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> PCC context. Under focus,<br />
undoubled accusatives are far more marked than undoubled datives, <strong>and</strong> more<br />
commonly ungrammatical (note 60). The contrast remains in coordinations, where<br />
it is difficult to repair (209)a but not (209)b with focus. The same contrast obtains<br />
in <strong>the</strong> PCC repair, where unfocussed accusatives are mostly impossible (section<br />
4.3). Clitic-doubled coordinations pattern distinctively, like dislocation.<br />
However it may turn out, clitic-doubled structures are irrelevant for <strong>the</strong> uniqueness<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> PCC repair. In <strong>the</strong> PCC <strong>and</strong> in all <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r contexts considered here,<br />
clitics are not available, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>refore clitic-doubling also is not. Among <strong>the</strong>m all,<br />
you.D GEN will.<strong>of</strong>fer to all / to.<strong>the</strong> two / *(*to.<strong>the</strong>) o<strong>the</strong>rs'. Perhaps is a link to be made between<br />
<strong>the</strong> modifier types <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> semantics <strong>of</strong> floating quantifiers (Bobalijk 2003, Fitzpatrick 2006).<br />
93 M. Starke, p.c.<br />
94 There may be differences between left conjunct vs. whole conjunct doubling. They pattern differently<br />
in Spanish doubling <strong>and</strong> dislocation (Camacho 1997: 3.1.1.3; cf. Boeckx 2008a: 169).
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