Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
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138<br />
same way me in me seems can be interpreted as to me. In <strong>the</strong> syntax, <strong>the</strong> strong<br />
PCC alone exists. The PCC repair applies to 1/2-2/1 combinations because <strong>the</strong>y<br />
are blocked <strong>the</strong> syntactic PCC, despite being legitimate surface strings.<br />
This view dovetails with <strong>the</strong> irreparability <strong>of</strong> morphological clitic cluster<br />
gaps. The repair reveals which clitic cluster restrictions <strong>and</strong> possibilities belong to<br />
<strong>the</strong> syntactic PCC, <strong>and</strong> which ones elsewhere. It holds promise for underst<strong>and</strong>ing<br />
<strong>the</strong> weak PCC <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> mixed person-number restrictions <strong>of</strong> Nevins (2007), Nevins<br />
<strong>and</strong> Săvescu (2008), much as has been discussed for <strong>the</strong> syntactic correlates <strong>of</strong><br />
morphological subject-object interactions in section 3.<br />
4.6.9 Overview<br />
This section has passed through a number <strong>of</strong> contexts where clitics are impossible<br />
yet unfocussed strong pronouns remain unavailable. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se clitic<br />
problems are extrasyntactic, some conjugate <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> a cliticization site <strong>and</strong><br />
a syntactic ban on clitic movement. Unfocussed strong pronouns are not licensed<br />
by <strong>the</strong> unavailability <strong>of</strong> clitics, <strong>and</strong> must be barred independently <strong>of</strong> it. Kayne<br />
(2000: chapter 9, cf. 1975: 2.16) reaches this conclusion on some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> same<br />
grounds, as well as o<strong>the</strong>rs pertaining to subject clitics <strong>and</strong> reflexives. Only in <strong>the</strong><br />
PCC context do unfocussed strong pronouns emerge <strong>and</strong> must be keyed to it.<br />
Cardinaletti <strong>and</strong> Starke (1999) develop a system where <strong>the</strong> unavailability <strong>of</strong><br />
clitics or weak pronouns in a given syntactic context or for a given meaning<br />
should automatically free up strong pronouns. Their conclusions repose above all<br />
on subject weak-strong pronoun alternations like (217): strong pronouns are not<br />
available when weak ones will do, but emerge under focus or coordination.<br />
(217) a. Jeani a admis que ili / *luii / LUIi a fini la bouteille.<br />
Jean has admitted that he (weak/strong) has finished <strong>the</strong> bottle<br />
b. Jeani a admis que luii et sesi amis ont fini la bouteille.<br />
Jean has admitted that he <strong>and</strong> his friends have finished <strong>the</strong> bottle<br />
((b) Cardinaletti <strong>and</strong> Starke 1999: 200, (a) adapted)<br />
There may indeed be a net contrast in coordinations between strong pronouns<br />
for weak ones <strong>and</strong> strong pronouns for clitics, as already pointed out by Blanche-<br />
Benveniste (1975: 103). It does not yet follow that <strong>the</strong>re is syntactic competition<br />
between strong <strong>and</strong> weak nominatives. Kayne (2000: chapter 9) demonstrates that<br />
strong nominatives do not become automatically available when weak ones are<br />
not. One possibility is that <strong>the</strong> apparent strong forms in coordinated <strong>and</strong> modified<br />
nominatives are syntactically identical to weak ones <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> difference resides in<br />
spell-out (with fur<strong>the</strong>r nuances, e.g. only [+human] weak pronouns might have<br />
strong forms). Ano<strong>the</strong>r possibility is that French unfocussed nominatives like datives<br />
<strong>and</strong> accusatives must be weak/clitic pronouns by <strong>the</strong> Cliticization Requirement,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> appearance <strong>of</strong> unfocussed strong pronouns in nominative coordinations<br />
(217) arises from <strong>the</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> silent 3 rd person nominative weak<br />
pronouns, perhaps reflected in agreement, in <strong>the</strong> same manner that overt object cli-