Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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Table 5.2: PCC repairs in unaccusatives
Person-Case Constraint
(α* banned iff [+person])
Repair
(bold element changes)
Basque (dial.) DATagr-ABSagr* ERGagr*-DATAppl
Chinook ABSagr-ABSagr* ERGagr-ABSagr*
Finnish OBLAppl-NOMagr* OBLAppl-ACC*
5.6.2 Basque
Basque is an ergative-absolutive language with a structural ergative. Subjects
of unaccusatives are absolutive, save in the PCC context, where dialectally they
become ergative, like the subjects of transitives. The presentation of this absolutive
displacement draws on Rezac (2008c) where it is set out more fully.
In the Basque system of 'morphological' ergativity, ergative and absolutive are
structural Agree/Case relations, each with its own case and agreement morphology
(sections 5.2, 5.5). The configuration of the core arguments is as in English. The
transitive subject EA c-commands the direct object O at base-generation and
throughout A-movement. EA, not O, acquires subjecthood properties, such as being
PRO or copy-raising. Such subjecthood appears to accrue to the element
whose interpretable content moves to the designated subjecthood position of the
clause, traditionally spoken of as satisfying the EPP of T (Fin). In Basque, it may
involve clitic-doubling rather than XP-movement for full DPs. Following the Bobaljik-Laka
approach to the Basque type of ergativity in section 5.5, the partial
structures for plain transitives and unaccusatives are given in (301). 144
(301) a. Zu-kj nii poliziarengana eraman ni-au-zuj
you-E me.A police.to bring R.1sAi.2sEj
You brought me to the police.
a.' [ERGEA TERG [tEA [vABS … ABSO]]]
b. Nii berarengana joaten ni-aiz
I.A her.to going R.1sAi
I am going to her.
b.' [ABSS T [vABS … tS]]
(Basque)
144 Among useful references are: case and agreement: Laka (1993ab), Oyharçabal (1992, 1999),
Albizu (2002), Rezac (2003), Hualde and Ortiz de Urbina (2003); EA/O/S positions: Ortiz de
Urbina (1989), Oyharçabal (1992, 1999); applicative and prepositional datives: Elordieta (2001);
Etxepare and Oyharçabal (2008ab), Etxepare (2010); PCC in applicative but not prepositional
constructions, Albizu (1997ab, 2009), Rezac (2008c, 2009, forthc); absolutive displacement,
Rezac (2008c, 2009, forthc), Agirre (2004), Arregi (2004), Arregi and Nevins (2008).