Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
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201<br />
(Basque, Tolosa T1, Rezac 2008c: 81)<br />
(309) Nekatuta iruditzen di-dai-zuj<br />
tired seeming R.1sDi.2pEj<br />
You seem tired to me.<br />
(Basque, Errenteria, Rezac 2008c: 82)<br />
The ergativization follows from <strong>the</strong> Agree/Case <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> PCC, like Icel<strong>and</strong>ic<br />
(255), <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ℜ mechanism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> PCC repair. Once S moves to its subjecthood<br />
configuration near T, it has by-passed <strong>the</strong> dative within <strong>the</strong> vP, <strong>and</strong> come<br />
within <strong>the</strong> reach <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> potential Agree/Case locus T, (310) 146<br />
(310) S2PL,ERG ↔Agree TERG,2PL<br />
EPP/subjecthood<br />
vABS [DATAppl [VP V tS]]<br />
number, *person Agree<br />
The difference with Icel<strong>and</strong>ic is that <strong>the</strong> T <strong>of</strong> unaccusatives does not ordinarily<br />
have a phi-probe in Basque. Only in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> PCC is it TERG (<strong>and</strong> only<br />
in some varieties). This distribution <strong>of</strong> TERG is predicted by <strong>the</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ergative<br />
as dependent Case that emerges as needed through ℜ, (293). In <strong>the</strong> PCC<br />
context, [+person] S fails to be Case-licensed by vABS, much as <strong>the</strong> EA <strong>of</strong> all transitives<br />
fail to be licensed by vABS. This parallelism is displayed in (311).<br />
(311) Pattern <strong>of</strong> ergative activation:<br />
a. S-ABS T(*ERG) vABS tS-ABS (unaccusative)<br />
b. T*(ERG) EA-ERG vABS O-ABS (transitive)<br />
c. 3:S-ABS T(*ERG) vABS DAT tS-ABS (applic. unacc.)<br />
d. 1/2:S-ERG T*(ERG) vABS DAT tS-(*ABS) (PCC, repair)<br />
The mechanics <strong>of</strong> ergativization in PCC contexts (312) differ from that <strong>of</strong> transitives<br />
(297) to <strong>the</strong> extent that <strong>the</strong> ergativized argument originates as S below vABS,<br />
ra<strong>the</strong>r than as EA above it. The obligatory Case locus vABS has a lexically specified<br />
phi-probe, which Agrees <strong>and</strong> Transfers. Agree is successful save in a PCC<br />
context, (312)b, where <strong>the</strong> dative blocks Agree with [+person] S <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> [Case:] <strong>of</strong><br />
S thus remains unvalued. However, in all contexts, S must independently move to<br />
<strong>the</strong> edge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> v-phase prior to its Transfer by successive-cyclic movement, because<br />
it will have to move to satisfy its EPP <strong>of</strong> T, (312)c. The ordering <strong>of</strong> this<br />
movement <strong>and</strong> v-S Agree may be left free. Only derivations where S moves converge<br />
for <strong>the</strong> EPP, so only <strong>the</strong>y need be considered. The convergent v-phase <strong>the</strong>refore<br />
does not contain S. It is at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> C/T-phase that <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> Case on<br />
a 1 st /2 nd but not 3 rd person S leads to a crashed Transfer, (312)f. At this point, ℜ<br />
adds a phi-probe to <strong>the</strong> potential Agree/Case locus T, turning it into active TERG.<br />
146 There are several alternatives for both Basque <strong>and</strong> Icel<strong>and</strong>ic for <strong>the</strong> exact configuration in<br />
which T Agrees with <strong>the</strong> derived S: Spec-Head as in (310), or under T raising, or T is really Fin,<br />
or S l<strong>and</strong>s below T as adopted in (312) below. See fur<strong>the</strong>r Rezac (2008c: 82f.).