Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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60 on it, but there is no dependence on the person of the other argument (Dixon 1994: 87). The case-marking of EA and O depends only on its own 'local' features, not 'globally' on (agreement with) those of another argument, as it does in PHinteractions. (86) a. I was flunked by Prof. Summers. b. Mary Summers was flunked by me. (Delancey 1981: 638) PH interactions have sometimes been modelled entirely in the morphology, for instance Noyer (1992) for a variety of languages, Anderson (1992) and by Halle and Marantz (1993) for Potawatomi related to Ojibwa, and Marantz (2000) for Georgian in a program of a postsyntactic approach to case and agreement relations generally. The prediction of morphological approaches is that syntax and interpretation should be blind to them. An argument such as the Ojibwa 1 st person EA should behave the same in syntax and interpretation regardless of whether it wins over a 3rd person O, or loses to a 2 nd person O. PH-interactions should be as syntactically invisible as the forms of the plural in ox-en, sheep, cow-s. This is incorrect, as will be seen in one way for Ojibwa and Mapudungun in sections 3.2 and 3.3, and in a different way for Arizona Tewa in section 3.4. Thus some PH interactions, and thus their person agreement and its uninterpretable person phifeatures, are to be placed in the syntax, answering one of the central questions of chapter 1. The concluding section 3.5 returns to the contrast between them and the morphological 'opaque' agreement of chapter 2. 3.2 PH-interactions in Ojibwa and Mapudungun The seminal arguments for the syntactic character of PH-interaction are due to Rhodes (1994), for Ojibwa. This section reviews it and adds Arnold's (1997) evidence from Mapudungun. The next section develops the consequences. In the Algonquian language Ojibwa, the morphological reflex of PHinteraction is control of the agreement prefix. It falls to the highest DP on the hierarchy 2 (g-) > 1 (n-) > 3 (w- in 3→3 transitives, ∅ in intransitives). The PH interaction thus partitions the set of EA→O combinations into direct contexts, where the EA controls the prefix (2EA→1O, 2/1EA→3O), and inverse contexts, where the O does (1EA→2O, 3EA→1/2O). This prefix oscillation between EA and O is illustrated in Table 3.2, in the column headed Independent Order. Table 3.2: Ojibwa conjugation (Rhodes 1994: 432-3, [] are underlying forms) Meaning Independent Order Conjunct Order I go home n[i]-giiwe 1 go.home giiwe- yaanh go.home 1SG.SU you go home g[i]-giiwe giiwe- yan
2- go.home go.home 2SG.SU he goes home giiwe- w-ag go.home 3 3PL I see him n[i]-waab[a]m-aa 1 see 3ANIM.O he sees me n[i]-waab[a]m-ig[o] 1 see INV you see me g[i]-waabam-[i] 2 see 1O I see you g[i]-waab[a]m-in 2 see INV he sees him w[
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Title: Phi-features and the Modular
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4.6.3 Arbitrary clitic cluster gaps
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Conventions and glosses Cross-refer
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Preface This work uses phi-features
Page 9 and 10: 1 Modularity, phi-features, and rep
Page 11 and 12: (4) a. Irati-rii nesk-ak/*ekk gusta
Page 13 and 14: Lyer illusion, a line terminating i
Page 15 and 16: Lexicon This simple model may be en
Page 17 and 18: (12) As far as Johni is concerned,
Page 19 and 20: (18) a. *(Some goatsi) seemi/*seems
Page 21 and 22: Uninterpretable phenomena should no
Page 23 and 24: d. There were shown (*her) to be fi
Page 25 and 26: able features, and ultimately expli
Page 27 and 28: 1997, Yang 1997, Jacobson 1997, Fra
Page 29 and 30: Syntax: syntactic but not properly
Page 31 and 32: (44) Morphology-free syntax: Syntax
Page 33 and 34: (Distributed Morphology) (49) a. Sy
Page 35 and 36: In Aronoff's example, it may be eas
Page 37 and 38: (53) v dolea/zákonub/kolec/máled/
Page 39 and 40: a. 3SG/PL.DAT le/les + 3SGM/3SGF/3P
Page 41 and 42: (62) a. Elle*x∈i lai/∅i lui a d
Page 43 and 44: Morphology might also need devices
Page 45 and 46: agreement exponent maps to another
Page 47 and 48: singular or 1 st /2 nd person plura
Page 49 and 50: frire 'fry' (e.g. 1PL *frions vs. r
Page 51 and 52: domains. The well-studied English c
Page 53 and 54: not cross this distance, just as in
Page 55 and 56: There are more robust cases of appa
Page 57 and 58: ecause then there is no crossing of
Page 59: (85) a. n-waabm-aa b. n-waabm-ig c.
Page 63 and 64: sion is that EA and O PH-interactio
Page 65 and 66: (92) a. [DP Johni 'sD° [IP PROi no
Page 67 and 68: uci-maceha-t [mesq mace-ntu]]. from
Page 69 and 70: see her, PRO to see her, your/you s
Page 71 and 72: )movement (Nichols 2001, cf. chapte
Page 73 and 74: distribution of inverse morphemes i
Page 75 and 76: . No direct-like version with 3EA
Page 77 and 78: suppose that its oblique EA does no
Page 79 and 80: fact. Thus the oblique-like EA of i
Page 81 and 82: movement through probes for individ
Page 83 and 84: digm (114) reveals the exception to
Page 85 and 86: Lucille her/you.A them.D/LOC will.i
Page 87 and 88: structures that only occur in conte
Page 89 and 90: 1PL nous no-tre/s nous, on nous 2PL
Page 91 and 92: (126) a. Il lesi (lui) a dit-esi. H
Page 93 and 94: (130) a. Je connais cette fillei. J
Page 95 and 96: cliticization may take place, as fu
Page 97 and 98: (134) a. Pourquoi est-ce que Jean p
Page 99 and 100: (137) a. [Film synopsis:] L'étrang
Page 101 and 102: 101 seen in section 4.5. Thus the P
Page 103 and 104: 103 To sum up this section, the PCC
Page 105 and 106: Dative clitics continue to license
Page 107 and 108: 107 These possibilities can be cont
Page 109 and 110: 4.4.6 Overview 109 The syntax and i
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4.5.2 Possessive, dessus, and benef
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c. Azenor les laisse être mangés
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115 Pierre will.make SE.D buy a wat
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117 arise through the intervention
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119 The causee of the connaître-cl
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121 The syntactic character of the
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123 Paul seems to her to be unpleas
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125 *sans se leur en prendre. sans
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127 a. aux agriculteurs de vos rég
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4.6.5 Datives in DPs and APs 129 Th
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131 c. L'infinitifi […] a été t
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133 (210) a. Elle photographiait *v
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135 These peoplei are going to be q
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137 1/2.ACC DAT clusters. Thus, the
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139 tic doubling allows unfocussed
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141 This view of the PCC repair ori
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143 of French unfocussed pronouns.
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145 the possessum (section 4.5). Al
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147 When such adjectives are embedd
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legitimate in ECM but not elsewhere
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151 These are very tentative sugges
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5 Repairs and uninterpretable featu
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155 terpretation, not problems that
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157 (241) Person Case Constraint (A
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5.2.2 Intervention 159 In the Agree
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161 (Etxepare and Oyharçabal 2008a
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tive within the TP, the PCC disappe
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165 you.ABS visit-ing liking R.3sAi
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167 - It is unclear whether dative
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169 PCC are tied up with this issue
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5.3.2 The choice of mechanisms The
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(264) [DATapplicative [v+P[+person:
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175 some structure always wins the
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177 distinct from syntax and from e
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179 These observations do not mean
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may also lead to the (re-)Merge of
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183 (279) Numeration: The numeratio
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185 they lead to ineffability. Vari
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187 distinction between valued unin
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189 she believed to.have been bough
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girls-ERG tired R.3pA-that seem R.3
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193 To integrate dependent Case, di
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195 depends on what other probes ex
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197 b. She vacc+showed (*the studen
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199 The structures of interest for
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201 (Basque, Tolosa T1, Rezac 2008c
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203 (313) (i-kalai) ga-či-łj-(a)
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205 with it (Rezac 2006: 3.7, 2008b
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207 agreement (Holmberg 2005, Holmb
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209 of Icelandic and Finnish, not n
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211 (329) Minu-ni täyty-y ti men-n
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stead in Table 5.3. The dative inte
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215 This application of ℜ has som
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217 with cliticization alone. This
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219 serve in the applicative constr
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221 way. IOs must normally be appli
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223 The facility of modeling both r
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y ℜ in the same way as that of PP
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227 of the target, goal, and the pa
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229 tives, the relationship of EA-O
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231 Pesetsky and Torrego forthc, Wi
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233 For an important class of synta
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235 The conditions on these depende
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6 Phi in syntax and phi interpretat
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239 predicate-argument relations, d
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speaker/addressee because the more
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243 The second point illustrated by
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245 The quasi-existential on in (37
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247 Everywhere onei (on) presents o
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249 *[Marie and I] found.3PL themse
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251 to Agree by locality, if it wer
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- Albizu (1997b, cf. 1997a): A pers
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255 of 3 rd person. This is so even
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257 of diachrony and grammaticaliza
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259 tain configurations like (385),
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person 'impostors' for the speaker/
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263 like invite, which do not. The
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265 sions and eliminations of a mor
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267 featural relationships in synta
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269 Carruthers, Peter, Stephen Laur
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271 Moravcsik, Edith A. 1978. Agree
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7.2 Chapter 2 273 Ackema, Peter, an
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275 De Crousaz, Isabelle, and Ur Sh
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277 Luís, Ana R., and Andrew Spenc
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279 Szendrői, Kriszta. 2005. Focus
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281 Bobaljik, Jonathan David, and P
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283 Rosen, Carol. 1990. Rethinking
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285 Bianchi, Valentina. 1999. Conse
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287 Fauconnier, Gilles. 1983. Gener
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289 Legendre, Geraldine. 1989a. Inv
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291 Rezac, Milan. 2010a. Ineffabili
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7.5 Chapter 5 293 Abels, Klaus. 200
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295 Bobaljik, Jonathan David, and P
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297 Den Dikken, Marcel. 2001. 'Plur
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299 Holmberg, Anders, and Christer
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301 McCreight, Katherine. 1988. Mul
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303 Rezac, Milan. 2008c. The syntax
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305 Vainikka, Anne Marjatta. 1989.
Page 307 and 308:
307 Cabredo Hofherr, Patricia. 2003
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309 Landau, Idan. 2000. Elements of
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311 Sigurðsson, Halldór Ármann.
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