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Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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5 Repairs <strong>and</strong> uninterpretable <strong>features</strong><br />

5.1 Introduction<br />

153<br />

Chapter 4 discussed <strong>the</strong> Person Case Constraint (PCC) <strong>and</strong> its repair in French.<br />

The constraint bans [+person] (1 st /2 nd /reflexive) accusatives separated from v by a<br />

dative (applicative or clitic). The repair lets a dative be coded by a full, locativelike<br />

PP autonomous <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> clause, instead <strong>of</strong> a defective dative PP transparent to<br />

<strong>the</strong> clause. This is impossible o<strong>the</strong>rwise, even to fix problems o<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> PCC.<br />

Table 5.1: PCC repairs<br />

Transitive Applicative (IO-O)<br />

Person-Case Constraint<br />

(α* banned iff [+person])<br />

Repair<br />

(bold element changes)<br />

French DATclitic-ACCclitic* ACC*-DATPP/LOCclitic<br />

(? DATSE(INH)-ACCclitic* DATSE(INH)-ACCstrong*)<br />

West. Basque DATagr-ABSagr* ABS-DATPP<br />

Georgian DATagr-ABS/ACCagr* ABS/ACC-DATPP<br />

DATagr-ABS/ACCagr* DATagr-[agr's self].ABS/ACC3SG*<br />

Unaccusative Applicative (IO-S)<br />

Basque (dial.) DATagr-ABSagr* ERGagr*-DATAppl<br />

Chinook ABSagr-ABSagr* ERGagr-ABSagr*<br />

Finnish OBLAppl-NOMagr* OBLAppl-ACC*<br />

Transitive (EA-S)<br />

Arizona Tewa bareagr-bareagr* ERGagr-bareagr*<br />

Yurok NOM-NOM* NOM-ACC*<br />

Legend: S unaccusative subject, EA transitive subject, O direct object, IO applicative object.<br />

Note: Yurok 1/2→2/1 combinations are NOM-NOM; see section 5.9.<br />

The French combination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> PCC <strong>and</strong> an o<strong>the</strong>rwise unavailable repair belongs<br />

to <strong>the</strong> remarkable cross-linguistic paradigm in Table 5.1. Across widely different<br />

systems, it is impossible to combine a [+person] S/O with an applicative argument<br />

in <strong>the</strong> way expected from <strong>the</strong>ir behaviour outside this combination, or<br />

from combinations involving <strong>of</strong> [-person] S/O. In <strong>the</strong>ir place appear structures that<br />

do not exist o<strong>the</strong>rwise: in French a locative for a dative, in Western Basque a nonagreeing<br />

dative for an agreeing one, in Basque dialects <strong>and</strong> in Chinook an ergative<br />

for an absolutive, in Finnish an accusative for a nominative. These 'repairs' <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

PCC are not alternative realizations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> expected syntactic structures, for <strong>the</strong>y

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