Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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et elle m' yi fera toujours penser.
and it me.A LOC(=about.you) will.make always think
d. Vous vous foutez de nousi? "You don't give a damn about us?"
Vous ne vous eni foutrez pas longtemps.
you NEG you(INH).A GEN(=about.us) (idiom) not for.long
You won't keep on not giving a damn about us for long.
(for 1 st /2 nd person y see note 57)
Orthogonally to these differences between accusatives, datives, and locatives,
all clitics have a poorer structure than strong pronouns (Cardinaletti and Starke
1999, and here sections 4, 6). Strong pronouns but not clitics can stay in the VP or
XP-front, be modified, coordinated, and bear focus. They have a richer descriptive
content, to which might be attributed their preference for human referents (Cardinaletti
and Starke 1999, nuanced by Zribi-Hertz 2000, Herslund 1988: 2.3).
From floating quantifiers have been drawn important conclusions about the
structural position of dative clitics. Dative clitics but not à-phrases license bare
floating quantifiers in the preparticipial position, (127)-(128). From this Anagnostopoulou
(2003: 281-4) has argued that dative clitics are in the applicative construction,
akin to English give them (all) candy, and nonclitics in the prepositional
construction, give (*all) candy to them (extending the more reserved proposal of
Kayne 1975: 2.14). The relevant distinction between the two constructions is the
structural height of the dative in (132), eschewing other details (see section 5.2).
(132) a. prepos. dat.: T° … v° … [DPobject … [P° DP]]
b. applic. dat.: T° … v° … [DP(.DAT) … [DPobject …]]
While the applicative-prepositional distinction proves immensely useful later,
a much weaker view of its relationship to clitichood is adopted here. It is clear that
some nonclitic datives in French do participate in the applicative construction,
above the object (e.g. Kayne 1975: 137, Pijnenburg and Hulk 1989: 260). Section
4.5 discusses a particularly salient class, causees. It is possible as well that some
clitic datives derive from the prepositional construction, including indirect objects
(Roberge and Troberg 2007), and datives subcategorized by adjectives as in (133).
(133) Je leuri ai (tousi) été [(in)fidèle ti].
I them.DAT have all been (un)faithful
(cf. Appendix A)
The link between cliticization and applicativity is thus not strong in French, as
it is for instance in Spanish (Cuervo 2003ab). Bare floating quantifiers only show
that dative clitics pass through an A-position above the quantifier, and suggest that
nonclitic datives do not. Such an A-position is independently needed in order for
accusative clitics but not nonclitics to license floating quantifiers. It seems analogous
to the Object Shift position in the Germanic languages, and from it further