Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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4 6.3 French on.............................................................................................243 6.4 Person in syntax...................................................................................252 6.5 Person in interpretation........................................................................257 6.6 Conclusion...........................................................................................265 7 References ................................................................................................268 7.1 Chapter 1 .............................................................................................268 7.2 Chapter 2 .............................................................................................273 7.3 Chapter 3 .............................................................................................280 7.4 Chapter 4 .............................................................................................284 7.5 Chapter 5 .............................................................................................293 7.6 Chapter 6 .............................................................................................306
Conventions and glosses Cross-references to sections include chapter number; section 5.2 is in chapter 5. In examples, bold is used to draw attention; CAPS for semantic focus; in French examples, italics for clitics and underline for strong pronouns, when relevant. Case, person, number, gender/class, and other nominal morphology glosses: Long format for phi-agreement: 3PLF.ERG for 3 rd person plural feminine ergative Short format for Basque, Chinook, Georgian phi-agreement: 3pfE Short format for nominal case: N, A, D, E for NOM, ABS/ACC, DAT, ERG ABS, A absolutive ACC, A accusative ADS adessive ALL allative ALL allative DAT, D dative ERG, E ergative ESS essive GEN genitive; the unique genitive clitic of Romance INS inessive INSTR instrumental LOC locative; the unique locative clitic of Romance OBL oblique 1, 2, 3 person INCL inclusive EXCL exclusive DU, du dual SG, s singular PL, p plural AN animate INAN inanimate F, f feminine M, m masculine N, n neuter CONTR contrastive DFLT default agreement EMPH emphatic EXPL expletive 5
Page 1 and 2: Title: Phi-features and the Modular
Page 3: 4.6.3 Arbitrary clitic cluster gaps
Page 7 and 8: Preface This work uses phi-features
Page 9 and 10: 1 Modularity, phi-features, and rep
Page 11 and 12: (4) a. Irati-rii nesk-ak/*ekk gusta
Page 13 and 14: Lyer illusion, a line terminating i
Page 15 and 16: Lexicon This simple model may be en
Page 17 and 18: (12) As far as Johni is concerned,
Page 19 and 20: (18) a. *(Some goatsi) seemi/*seems
Page 21 and 22: Uninterpretable phenomena should no
Page 23 and 24: d. There were shown (*her) to be fi
Page 25 and 26: able features, and ultimately expli
Page 27 and 28: 1997, Yang 1997, Jacobson 1997, Fra
Page 29 and 30: Syntax: syntactic but not properly
Page 31 and 32: (44) Morphology-free syntax: Syntax
Page 33 and 34: (Distributed Morphology) (49) a. Sy
Page 35 and 36: In Aronoff's example, it may be eas
Page 37 and 38: (53) v dolea/zákonub/kolec/máled/
Page 39 and 40: a. 3SG/PL.DAT le/les + 3SGM/3SGF/3P
Page 41 and 42: (62) a. Elle*x∈i lai/∅i lui a d
Page 43 and 44: Morphology might also need devices
Page 45 and 46: agreement exponent maps to another
Page 47 and 48: singular or 1 st /2 nd person plura
Page 49 and 50: frire 'fry' (e.g. 1PL *frions vs. r
Page 51 and 52: domains. The well-studied English c
Page 53 and 54: not cross this distance, just as in
Page 55 and 56:
There are more robust cases of appa
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ecause then there is no crossing of
Page 59 and 60:
(85) a. n-waabm-aa b. n-waabm-ig c.
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2- go.home go.home 2SG.SU he goes h
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sion is that EA and O PH-interactio
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(92) a. [DP Johni 'sD° [IP PROi no
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uci-maceha-t [mesq mace-ntu]]. from
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see her, PRO to see her, your/you s
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)movement (Nichols 2001, cf. chapte
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distribution of inverse morphemes i
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. No direct-like version with 3EA
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suppose that its oblique EA does no
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fact. Thus the oblique-like EA of i
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movement through probes for individ
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digm (114) reveals the exception to
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Lucille her/you.A them.D/LOC will.i
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structures that only occur in conte
Page 89 and 90:
1PL nous no-tre/s nous, on nous 2PL
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(126) a. Il lesi (lui) a dit-esi. H
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(130) a. Je connais cette fillei. J
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cliticization may take place, as fu
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(134) a. Pourquoi est-ce que Jean p
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(137) a. [Film synopsis:] L'étrang
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101 seen in section 4.5. Thus the P
Page 103 and 104:
103 To sum up this section, the PCC
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Dative clitics continue to license
Page 107 and 108:
107 These possibilities can be cont
Page 109 and 110:
4.4.6 Overview 109 The syntax and i
Page 111 and 112:
4.5.2 Possessive, dessus, and benef
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c. Azenor les laisse être mangés
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115 Pierre will.make SE.D buy a wat
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117 arise through the intervention
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119 The causee of the connaître-cl
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121 The syntactic character of the
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123 Paul seems to her to be unpleas
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125 *sans se leur en prendre. sans
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127 a. aux agriculteurs de vos rég
Page 129 and 130:
4.6.5 Datives in DPs and APs 129 Th
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131 c. L'infinitifi […] a été t
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133 (210) a. Elle photographiait *v
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135 These peoplei are going to be q
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137 1/2.ACC DAT clusters. Thus, the
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139 tic doubling allows unfocussed
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141 This view of the PCC repair ori
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143 of French unfocussed pronouns.
Page 145 and 146:
145 the possessum (section 4.5). Al
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147 When such adjectives are embedd
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legitimate in ECM but not elsewhere
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151 These are very tentative sugges
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5 Repairs and uninterpretable featu
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155 terpretation, not problems that
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157 (241) Person Case Constraint (A
Page 159 and 160:
5.2.2 Intervention 159 In the Agree
Page 161 and 162:
161 (Etxepare and Oyharçabal 2008a
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tive within the TP, the PCC disappe
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165 you.ABS visit-ing liking R.3sAi
Page 167 and 168:
167 - It is unclear whether dative
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169 PCC are tied up with this issue
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5.3.2 The choice of mechanisms The
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(264) [DATapplicative [v+P[+person:
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175 some structure always wins the
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177 distinct from syntax and from e
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179 These observations do not mean
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may also lead to the (re-)Merge of
Page 183 and 184:
183 (279) Numeration: The numeratio
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185 they lead to ineffability. Vari
Page 187 and 188:
187 distinction between valued unin
Page 189 and 190:
189 she believed to.have been bough
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girls-ERG tired R.3pA-that seem R.3
Page 193 and 194:
193 To integrate dependent Case, di
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195 depends on what other probes ex
Page 197 and 198:
197 b. She vacc+showed (*the studen
Page 199 and 200:
199 The structures of interest for
Page 201 and 202:
201 (Basque, Tolosa T1, Rezac 2008c
Page 203 and 204:
203 (313) (i-kalai) ga-či-łj-(a)
Page 205 and 206:
205 with it (Rezac 2006: 3.7, 2008b
Page 207 and 208:
207 agreement (Holmberg 2005, Holmb
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209 of Icelandic and Finnish, not n
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211 (329) Minu-ni täyty-y ti men-n
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stead in Table 5.3. The dative inte
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215 This application of ℜ has som
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217 with cliticization alone. This
Page 219 and 220:
219 serve in the applicative constr
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221 way. IOs must normally be appli
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223 The facility of modeling both r
Page 225 and 226:
y ℜ in the same way as that of PP
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227 of the target, goal, and the pa
Page 229 and 230:
229 tives, the relationship of EA-O
Page 231 and 232:
231 Pesetsky and Torrego forthc, Wi
Page 233 and 234:
233 For an important class of synta
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235 The conditions on these depende
Page 237 and 238:
6 Phi in syntax and phi interpretat
Page 239 and 240:
239 predicate-argument relations, d
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speaker/addressee because the more
Page 243 and 244:
243 The second point illustrated by
Page 245 and 246:
245 The quasi-existential on in (37
Page 247 and 248:
247 Everywhere onei (on) presents o
Page 249 and 250:
249 *[Marie and I] found.3PL themse
Page 251 and 252:
251 to Agree by locality, if it wer
Page 253 and 254:
- Albizu (1997b, cf. 1997a): A pers
Page 255 and 256:
255 of 3 rd person. This is so even
Page 257 and 258:
257 of diachrony and grammaticaliza
Page 259 and 260:
259 tain configurations like (385),
Page 261 and 262:
person 'impostors' for the speaker/
Page 263 and 264:
263 like invite, which do not. The
Page 265 and 266:
265 sions and eliminations of a mor
Page 267 and 268:
267 featural relationships in synta
Page 269 and 270:
269 Carruthers, Peter, Stephen Laur
Page 271 and 272:
271 Moravcsik, Edith A. 1978. Agree
Page 273 and 274:
7.2 Chapter 2 273 Ackema, Peter, an
Page 275 and 276:
275 De Crousaz, Isabelle, and Ur Sh
Page 277 and 278:
277 Luís, Ana R., and Andrew Spenc
Page 279 and 280:
279 Szendrői, Kriszta. 2005. Focus
Page 281 and 282:
281 Bobaljik, Jonathan David, and P
Page 283 and 284:
283 Rosen, Carol. 1990. Rethinking
Page 285 and 286:
285 Bianchi, Valentina. 1999. Conse
Page 287 and 288:
287 Fauconnier, Gilles. 1983. Gener
Page 289 and 290:
289 Legendre, Geraldine. 1989a. Inv
Page 291 and 292:
291 Rezac, Milan. 2010a. Ineffabili
Page 293 and 294:
7.5 Chapter 5 293 Abels, Klaus. 200
Page 295 and 296:
295 Bobaljik, Jonathan David, and P
Page 297 and 298:
297 Den Dikken, Marcel. 2001. 'Plur
Page 299 and 300:
299 Holmberg, Anders, and Christer
Page 301 and 302:
301 McCreight, Katherine. 1988. Mul
Page 303 and 304:
303 Rezac, Milan. 2008c. The syntax
Page 305 and 306:
305 Vainikka, Anne Marjatta. 1989.
Page 307 and 308:
307 Cabredo Hofherr, Patricia. 2003
Page 309 and 310:
309 Landau, Idan. 2000. Elements of
Page 311:
311 Sigurðsson, Halldór Ármann.
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Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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