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Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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96<br />

With this background on French clitics, <strong>the</strong> next section proceeds to set out in<br />

detail <strong>the</strong> PCC, prior to establishing its syntactic character.<br />

4.3 The PCC repair <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cliticization Requirement<br />

This section sets out <strong>the</strong> relationship between <strong>the</strong> Cliticization Requirement <strong>and</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> strong pronouns <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> PCC repair, giving <strong>the</strong> following generalizations:<br />

– Cliticization Requirement (section 4.2): Outside <strong>the</strong> PCC context, unfocussed<br />

dative <strong>and</strong> accusative pronouns must be clitic, <strong>and</strong> (àDAT +) strong<br />

pronouns require semantic focus. In contrast, locatives (<strong>and</strong> genitives) may<br />

be clitic or àLOC + strong pronoun without focus.<br />

– PCC repair: When a dative clitic is impossible through <strong>the</strong> PCC, à +<br />

strong pronoun is perfect instead without semantic focus, for indirect objects<br />

(o<strong>the</strong>r datives are addressed in section 4.5).<br />

– Accusatives: An accusative strong pronoun is impossible in <strong>the</strong> PCC context<br />

or out <strong>of</strong> it, whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> PCC repair for <strong>the</strong> dative is available or not,<br />

save to an unclear extent when <strong>the</strong> dative clitic is an inherent reflexive.<br />

The Cliticization Requirement requires semantically unfocussed accusative<br />

<strong>and</strong> dative pronouns to be clitic, while strong pronouns must have semantic focus.<br />

The semantic focus that may license strong pronouns comes about through: (i) ostension;<br />

(ii) contrast, where <strong>the</strong> contrasted alternatives may be silent or explicit, as<br />

in Il parle à LUI (et non à MOI) 'He talks to HIM (<strong>and</strong> not to ME)', Il parle à LUI<br />

(plutôt qu'à MOI) 'He talks to HIM (ra<strong>the</strong>r than to ME)'; (iii) focus associated with<br />

elements such as aussi 'also'. A nondislocated dative or accusative strong pronoun<br />

must have such a focussed reading, a clitic cannot. From semantic focus must be<br />

carefully distinguished prosodic accent. Zribi-Hertz (2008) argues that strong pronouns<br />

in French do not undergo deaccenting even when semantically unfocussed,<br />

unlike in English. The meaning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> French <strong>and</strong> English sentences in (134) is <strong>the</strong><br />

same: jealoux has narrow focus <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> her has none. Thanks to <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> focus,<br />

<strong>of</strong> her can be realized as <strong>the</strong> genitive clitic en in French. However, it can also<br />

be realized as <strong>the</strong> genitive strong pronoun d'elle. In that case, it retains prosodic<br />

accent, despite lack <strong>of</strong> focus, in contrast to English. 63<br />

63 Inversely, prosodic accent may be hard to detect under certain conditions such as second occurrence<br />

focus (but see Beaver et al. 2007). Distinct from focus is <strong>the</strong> construction ne…que 'only',<br />

as in Il ne parle qu'à moi lit. 'He NEG speaks than to me', meaning 'He is speaking only to<br />

me' (Cardinaletti <strong>and</strong> Starke 1999, Kayne 2000: 159 note 68, 170). Que behaves as if it were a<br />

preposition: it licenses undoubled accusative strong pronouns even for those that cannot license<br />

<strong>the</strong>m o<strong>the</strong>rwise, blocks clitic doubling, <strong>and</strong> allows coreference with <strong>the</strong> local subject. Perhaps related<br />

should be Postal's (1990: 161f.) ability <strong>of</strong> comparative plus…que 'more…than' to license

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