Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

cliticization may take place, as further discussed in section 4.7. The following hypotheses
will thus be adopted: 62
– Dative clitics can originate in the applicative construction, and perhaps
also in the prepositional construction (cf. section 4.5, and Appendix A).
– Some nonclitic datives can also originate in the applicative construction,
such as causees, while others originate in the prepositional construction,
including indirect objects (section 4.5).
– Whether or not dative clitics originate in the prepositional construction,
they pass through a high A-position above VP from which they license
floating quantifiers. Nonclitic datives from the prepositional construction
remain below this position. For convenience of the Agree/Case analysis of
the PCC in (121), this A-position will be spoken of as below v, but due to
v-to-T raising this is inessential as shown by Anagnostopoulou (2003: 5.3).
62 The diagnostics for the applicative and prepositional construction of English (Larson 1988,
Pesetsky 1995, Harley 2002) are presently inconclusive for French.
Neutral word order: Dative à PPs follow direct objects, whether indirect objects, benefactives,
psych-experiencers, or causees, which certainly do not all have the same structural relationship to
the direct object. The same holds of Spanish, where c-command diagnostics yet clearly distinguish
high applicative and low prepositional datives (Cuervo 2003ab, Demonte 1995).
C-command symmetries: Quantifier-variable binding from the direct object into a following à PP
is generally fine. The reverse is however true as well (ia) (cf. Harley 2002), but it is often available
with PPs in general (ib) (cf. Zubizarreta 1998: 12-15, 147, but not always restricted by dlinking
and focus). Binding of lui-même 'him-self' type reflexives and l'un-l'autre 'each other'
type reciprocals from the direct object into the following à-phrase is fine, less so in the reverse
direction, particularly for 1 st /2 nd person (Postal 1989: chapter 1). English too allows some backward
binding and scope from PPs (Burzio 1986: 203, Williams 1994: 254, Pesetsky 1995: 6.3.2.)
Interpretation: The restriction that the indirect object be a potential possessor of the direct object,
which holds of the applicative but not the prepositional construction in various languages, in
French constraints dative but not locative clitics with verbs like envoyer 'send'. Some à-phrases
have readings that in English characterize the double object but not various prepositional constructions,
as in (ii), although in English this can be overturned by information structure (Harley
2002, Krifka 2004; cf. Kayne 1975: 137f.; cf. Larson 1988: 377 note 44, Harley 2002 ex. 10).
(i) a On a rendu sonk livre à chaque enfantk / personnek (sans lek prévenir d'abord).
We returned hisk book to each childk / no onek (without warning himk first).
b On a déposé sonk avis de mission chez chaque fonctionnairek / chez personnek (sans
lek prévenir d'abord).
We delivered hisk assignment at each civil servantk's / no one'sk place (without
warning himk first).
(ii) Marie a donné un coup de pied à la table.
Mary has given a kick to the table
Marie gave the table a kick / *a kick to the table.
(Pijnenburg and Hulk 1989: 260)
95