Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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The structures of interest for the PCC elaborate on (291) by the addition of an
applicative argument, (302). It has its own dative case and agreement morphology.
It c-commands O and S by all diagnostics referring to the A-position of lexical
NP/DP content, such as quantifier-variable binding (Elordieta 2001). However, for
subjecthood purposes such as control, the absolutive S rather than the applicative
dative is the subject (Rezac 2008c). This divorce of diagnostic is also found in
languages like Spanish, in contrast to true dative-subject languages like Icelandic
(Cuervo 2003b). It indicates that some interpretable content of S satisfies the EPP
of T by moving over the dative, as in (302), plausibly the D-head of S through clitic-doubling
or rich agreement (Massulo 1992, Béjar and Rezac 2003, Anagnostopoulou
2003: 310, Rezac 2008c). Beside applicative datives exist prepositional
datives, which are below S for all diagnostics. In the Western Basque
varieties relevant here, both applicative and prepositional datives control the same
dative-type agreement or clitic-doubling on the verb (section 5.2).
(302) a. [TP DERG TERG [vP tEA vABS [DATAppl [VP V ABSO ]]]]] (trans. appl.)
b. [TP DABS T [vP vABS [DATAppl [VP V tS ]]]] (unacc. appl.)
c. [TP DABS T [vP vABS [VP V tS DATPP]]] (unacc. + PP)
The presence of an applicative dative between vABS and O/S creates the PCC:
(303) T/v > DATAppl > G [+person]
*Case/Agree
(section 5.2)
The PCC is visible as the impossibility of agreement with and the licensing of
1/2.ABS, pro or strong, while 3.ABS is unaffected. This is shown in (304) for the
unaccusative psych-verb gustatu 'please' with an experiencer dative; other applicative
datives like possessors behave similarly (Albizu 2009). Such datives must be
applicative by their interpretations, and c-command diagnostics verify their Aposition
above S save for subjecthood. Within the vP then, the dative c-commands
S, and creates the PCC by blocking [+person] Agree between vABS and S, (305).
Beyond the vP, S or its D head raises to satisfy the EPP of T. Movement past the
dative intervener can obviate the PCC, but only if it brings an argument to where
[+person] Agree with it is possible. Here, it raises S outside the range of vABS to T,
and so has no effect. Prepositional datives like the goals of motion verbs, hurbildu
'approach' in (306), do not create the PCC, (307). In some varieties (304) and
(306) are in minimal contrast. In others the agreement paradigm of prepositional
datives is riddled with morphological gaps to different extent ( % ) (Rezac 2008c,
forthc).
(304) a. Miren-ij gozoki-aki gustatzen zai-zkii-oj.
Miren-D sweets-PL.A liking R.3pAi.3sDj
Miren likes candies.
b. *Nii Miren-ij gustatzen ni-atzai-oj.