Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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(127) a. Je lesi ai (tousi) vus. (accusative)
I them.A have all seen
b. Je leuri ai (tousi) parlé (à tousi) (dative)
I them.D have all spoken to them
c. Je yi ai (*tousi) pensé (*à tousi). (locative)
I LOC have all thought to them
(preparticipial floating quantifiers)
(128) a. Ces garçons, que j'ai (tous) vus
these boys(M) that I have all.MPL seen
b. Ces garçons, à qui j'ai (*/??tous) parlé ( % à tous)
these boys(M) to who I have all.MPL spoken to all.MPL
c. Ces garçons, à qui j'ai (*tous) pensé (*à tous)
these boys(M) to who I have all.MPL thought to all.MPL
(postparticipial floating quantifiers)
– Clitic doubling: Dative and accusative clitics may double focussed strong
pronouns, but not nonpronouns, while locatives cannot double at all
(Kayne 2000: chapter 9, Zribi-Hertz 2008, cf. Ruwet 1990: 75f.). This is
seen in (129) modifying (127) for the strong pronoun eux 'them'. The doubling
difference can be reduced to the DP-PP distinction if a doubling clitic
moves out from a big-DP shared with the doublee (Uriagereka 1995, Belletti
1999), since French DPs are transparent to A'-subextraction, while all
PPs, including datives, are opaque.
(129) a. Je lesi ai vus (EUXi / , euxi) (accusative)
b. Je leuri ai parlé (à EUXi / , à euxi). (dative)
c. Je yi ai pensé (*à EUXi / , à euxi). (locative)
– Cliticization Requirement: Without semantic focus, dative and accusative
pronouns must be clitic, while locative ones may be clitic or strong, as in
(130) (Blanche-Benveniste 1975: 103, 160, Kayne 1975: 2.16-7, 2000:
chapter 9; section 4.4 discusses the semantic focus involved). This difference
between datives and other PPs figures largely in what follows, and relates
to the richer structure or content of full PPs (section 4.7). 60
could be viewed as inanimate datives (Kayne 1975: 107 note 51; Rigau 1982, Bonet 2008, Rezac
2010c). They may front before the participle in a stylistically marked way, while bare ones do so
regularly (Kayne 1975: 65 note 81, 154 note 101, Herslund 1988: 218).
60 Additional works on the Cliticization Requirement are Couquaux (1975), Morin (1979a),
Postal (1984), Zaring (1991), Auger (1994), Cardinaletti and Starke (1999), Zribi-Hertz (2008),
with the history in De Kok (1985) and Nyrop (1925). For semantically focussed strong pronouns,
many speakers require clitic-doubling of datives, more of accusatives, and yet more but not all of
1 st /2 nd person accusatives: Sandfeld (1970: 72), Kayne (1975: 173f., 183, 2000: 166f., 180 note
13), Blanche-Benveniste (1975: 87, 209), Burston (1983: 269), Tasmowski (1985: 245), Postal