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Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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Morphology might also need devices more powerful than syntax. There is a<br />

superficial diversity to opaque cliticization that suggests more arbitrary <strong>and</strong> more<br />

finely specified couplings between <strong>the</strong> <strong>features</strong> manipulated <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>features</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

context than occur in syntax (Bonet 1991: 64-75, 1995a: 645, 1995b). The 3.DAT<br />

3.ACC clusters may turn <strong>the</strong> 3.DAT into reflexive SE, locative LOC, or genitive<br />

GEN clitic, or add <strong>the</strong>se elements to 3.DAT (at least SE <strong>and</strong> LOC), <strong>the</strong> 3.ACC<br />

may turn into ∅ or 3SGM.ACC or 3PL.ACC, plurality may be transferred or not,<br />

in systems that seem closely similar (Bonet 1991, 1993, 1995ab, Manzini <strong>and</strong> Savoia<br />

2002, 2005, 2008, 2010, Pescarini 2010, Rezac 2010a, 2010c). A fuller consideration<br />

<strong>of</strong> this point is found in Rezac (2010c), <strong>and</strong> here it will be made more<br />

simply for opaque agreement below. However, a couple <strong>of</strong> points <strong>of</strong> variation for<br />

3SG.DAT → LOC may be noted (from Rezac 2010c, cf. Bonet 1991, 1993, 1995a<br />

on Catalan, Ahlborn 1964: 59-63 on Ruffieu-en-Valrômey):<br />

– Some varieties only have opaque cliticization in 3.DAT GEN → GEN<br />

LOC, o<strong>the</strong>rs also 3.DAT 3.ACC → 3.ACC LOC.<br />

– In Barceloní Catalan <strong>and</strong> Ruffieu-en-Valrômey, 3SG/PL.DAT 3.ACC →<br />

3.ACC LOC, in "Catalan B" only 3SG.DAT 3.ACC → 3.ACC LOC. The<br />

difference does not correlate with <strong>the</strong> surface form <strong>of</strong> 3PL.DAT which<br />

may or may not look like it contains LOC.<br />

– In Barceloní 3SG.DAT /li/ becomes LOC /i/ in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> a GEN /n/<br />

clitic, so that 3SG.DAT GEN is /n-i/, but 3PL.DAT /lzi/ in <strong>the</strong> same context<br />

splits into /lz/ <strong>and</strong> /i/, so that 3PL.DAT GEN is /lz-n-i/.<br />

Opaque cliticization thus presents a coherent modular signature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> morphology<br />

component distinct from syntax on all three elements: interaction with<br />

syntax, information used, <strong>and</strong> mechanisms. It patterns with o<strong>the</strong>r morphological<br />

phenomena such as <strong>the</strong> phi-syncretisms discussed in section 2.1.<br />

Opaque agreement presents <strong>the</strong> same pr<strong>of</strong>ile. Combinations <strong>of</strong> agreeing arguments<br />

<strong>of</strong>ten fail to control simple cumulations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> exponents realizing <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

3SG.DAT. We may see (i) as involving <strong>the</strong> chain lui/leur y veux lui/leur y prêter, leur but not lui<br />

licenses spell-out <strong>of</strong> adjacent y downstairs, else spelled out upstairs.<br />

(ii) que m' en bau pourta m' en lou<br />

C me GEN I'm.going.to carry me GEN it<br />

I will carry it away with me.<br />

(Occitan, Piat 1911: §44).<br />

(iii) J' y veux le lui/*leur prêter.<br />

J' veux *lui/leur z'y dire, moi, comment ça marche<br />

I LOC want it.ACC him/<strong>the</strong>m.DAT LOC lend/say me how it works<br />

I want to lend it to <strong>the</strong>m. / I wanna tell <strong>the</strong>m, me, how it works.<br />

(Vaudois French, Bürgi 1998: 53, cf. 99f.)<br />

43

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