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Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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123<br />

Paul seems to her to be unpleasant/sympa<strong>the</strong>tic/unpleasant to <strong>the</strong>m.<br />

(Rezac 2010a)<br />

The multiple dative clitic clusters created by raising overlap with those ruled<br />

out by <strong>the</strong> PCC on <strong>the</strong> surface, because 1 st /2 nd person clitics are syncretic for dative<br />

<strong>and</strong> accusative. Only <strong>the</strong> PCC clusters license <strong>the</strong> repair. Perhaps <strong>the</strong> problem<br />

with multiple dative clitics is a syntactic one distinct from <strong>the</strong> PCC (Postal 1981,<br />

1983, 1984). However, <strong>the</strong> variation among speakers <strong>and</strong> its pattern suggest a<br />

morphological ban on <strong>the</strong> repetition <strong>of</strong> identical <strong>features</strong>, strongest for 3.DAT +<br />

3.DAT, weakest for 1/2.DAT + 3.DAT (Rezac 2010a). If so, it belongs outside<br />

syntax, <strong>and</strong> a syntactic repair will not see it by modularity. 84<br />

4.6.3 Arbitrary clitic cluster gaps<br />

There are o<strong>the</strong>r clitic cluster gaps that belong to <strong>the</strong> morpho(phono)logy. Two<br />

would be fixed by <strong>the</strong> PCC repair because <strong>the</strong>y involve dative or accusative clitics.<br />

They are discussed in Rezac (2010a), which <strong>the</strong> following discussion resumes.<br />

One is <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> ?*3SG.DAT + LOC lui y [(l)ɥii] for many speakers, in contrast<br />

to ?3PL.DAT + LOC leur y [lœʁi], (189) (cf. Miller <strong>and</strong> Monachesi 2003:<br />

3.4, Morin 1981: 99 note 6, Couquaux 1975: 50, Blanche-Benveniste 1975: 77f.,<br />

85, Herslund 1988: 60f., 320f., de Kok 1985: 368, Grevisse <strong>and</strong> Goosse 2008:<br />

682.3°). Phonological hiatus plays a role, but perhaps only by exacerbating a morphological<br />

feature similarity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dative <strong>and</strong> locative clitics, while factors like<br />

subcategorization attenuate it. Where lui y is ungrammatical, an unfocussed strong<br />

pronoun for <strong>the</strong> dative remains impossible. The PCC repair does not respond to<br />

this gap, in contrast to an alternation <strong>of</strong> (189) to add <strong>the</strong> PCC, (190). 85<br />

(189) C'est parce que le nid protège ses petitsi / son petiti que<br />

a. l'oiseau leuri y donne à manger.<br />

b. l'oiseau y donne à manger *à euxi / EUX.<br />

<strong>the</strong> bird <strong>the</strong>m.DAT LOC gives to eat to <strong>the</strong>m / THEM<br />

c. *l'oiseau luii y donne à manger.<br />

d. l'oiseau y donne à manger *à luii / LUI.<br />

<strong>the</strong> bird him.DAT LOC gives to eat to him / HIM<br />

Because <strong>the</strong> nest protects its young, <strong>the</strong> bird feeds <strong>the</strong>m/*him/HIM <strong>the</strong>re.<br />

(Rezac 2010a)<br />

(190) C'est parce que son petiti a faim que<br />

84 The o<strong>the</strong>r context where multiple datives are brought toge<strong>the</strong>r is in causatives; see Appendix<br />

A. Ei<strong>the</strong>r a syntactic or a morphological account would extend to <strong>the</strong> mechanism suggested<br />

<strong>the</strong>re. In raising like (187), both <strong>the</strong> datives brought toge<strong>the</strong>r must be disjoint from <strong>the</strong> matrix =<br />

embedded subject, unlike in <strong>the</strong> ECM <strong>and</strong> causatives structures <strong>of</strong> Appendix A.<br />

85 The questionnaire results are clear about <strong>the</strong> impossibility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> strong pronoun. Speakers<br />

split on lui y, half perceiving <strong>the</strong> gap or only mildly, half sharply. Leur y is always better, but<br />

some do find it degraded. The results bear out Morin (1981: 99 note 6), Rezac (2010b).

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