Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

164
you.DAT like.3SG I.NOM she.NOM
You like her/me.
b. Ykkur líkar við mig / hana
you.DAT like.3SG with me.A her.ACC
You like her/me.
c. Ykkur leiðist *ég / *við / hann.
you.DAT bored.1/3SG I.NOM / we.NOM he.NOM
You find me / us / him boring.
d. Við erum leiðir à ykkur.
we.NOM be.1PL bored.PLM.NOM to you
You find us boring.
(Icelandic, Hrafnbjargarsson 2004)
The Agree/Case system also has the potential to explain other still unclear and
complex phenomena of apparent immunity to the PCC. In Icelandic monopredicate
structures like (253)/(254), agreement with 1/2.NOM is required, and
default 3SG agreement does not fix the PCC. The problem is not the absence of a
nominative agreement controller, since Icelandic allows default agreement if there
is not one, (257). Rather, 1/2.NOM cannot survive without agreement, even in a
PCC context. In (255) however, matters are different. The nominative originates
within a separate nonfinite clause. If it stays in it, it may but need not agree with
the matrix verb, independently of the PCC (cf. Anagnostopoulou 2003: 279f.).
When there is no matrix agreement, the infinitive behaves as an Agree/Case domain
of its own, Case-licensing a nominative independently of the matrix (see
Rezac 2004a: 5.4). Consequently the nominative is also licensed when agreement
is impossible due to the PCC, (255)a.
(257) Stúlkunnii var bjargað ti.
girl.the.DAT was.3SG/DFLT rescued.SGN.NOM
The girl was rescued.
(Icelandic, Andrews 1982: 467)
For Icelandic strong nominative pronouns, the PCC is thus visible both in overt
agreement and in licensing. A separate Agree/Case relation licenses the pronoun.
The same holds of Basque. Absolutive and nominative pronouns, strong or pro,
overtly agree, and cannot be licensed without agreement, in or out of PCC contexts.
Certain infinitives studied in Etxepare (2003, 2005) are optionally transparent
to matrix agreement, (258). When the matrix verb has a dative argument, its
cross-clausal agreement is restricted by the PCC to 3 rd persons, (258)a. However,
the infinitives provide Agree/Case licensing of their own, including to 1 st /2 nd person
absolutives in PCC contexts, (258)b.
(258) a. [Nobela beltz-akk irakur-tzea]i gustatzen zai-oj / zai-zki-o.
novels black-ABS read-ing liking R.3sAi.3sDj R.3pAk.3sDj
She likes reading black novels.
b. [Zuk bisita-tzea]i gustatzen zai-tj / zak-tzai-zkik-tj.