Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS
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132<br />
(208) a. *Il vous parle/ennuie (à) ti et (à) moi.<br />
he you.D/A speaks/bo<strong>the</strong>rs to <strong>and</strong> to me<br />
He speaks to (+dat) / bo<strong>the</strong>rs (+acc) you <strong>and</strong> me.<br />
b. *Il vous parle/ennuie ti (à) deux.<br />
he you.D/A speaks/bo<strong>the</strong>rs to two<br />
He speaks to (+dat) / bo<strong>the</strong>rs (+acc) you two.<br />
The unavailability <strong>of</strong> clitics does not lead to <strong>the</strong> grammaticality <strong>of</strong> unfocussed<br />
strong pronouns, unlike <strong>the</strong> PCC, as pointed out by Blanche-Benveniste (1975:<br />
103) <strong>and</strong> Kayne (1975: 2.17, 2000: 9.7, 180 note 29). (209) illustrates this. 91<br />
(209) a. *Bien sûr qu'ellei est dans le quartier. J'ai vu [ellei et soni chien] se<br />
promener ce matin.<br />
Of course she is in <strong>the</strong> neighbourhood. I saw [her <strong>and</strong> her dog] walking<br />
about this morning.<br />
b. ??Qu'est-ce que tu veux dire que les garçonsi connaissent pas mon<br />
père?! Bien sur qu'ils le connaissent. Je l'ai présenté [à euxi et à leursi copains]<br />
LA SEMAINE DERNIERE ENCORE.<br />
What do you mean that <strong>the</strong> boys don't know my fa<strong>the</strong>r? Of course <strong>the</strong>y<br />
know him. I introduced him [to <strong>the</strong>m <strong>and</strong> to <strong>the</strong>ir friends] JUST LAST<br />
WEEK. (Ok with focus on à eux.)<br />
c. Qu'est-ce que tu veux dire que tui connais pas mon père?! Bien sur que<br />
tu le connais. Je t'ai présenté [à luii et à sesi copains] LA SEMAINE<br />
DERNIERE ENCORE.<br />
What do you mean that you don't know my fa<strong>the</strong>r? Of course you<br />
know him. I introduced you [to him <strong>and</strong> to his friends] JUST LAST<br />
WEEK. (PCC repair)<br />
Among modified strong pronouns, (210), accusatives are impossible, locatives<br />
perfect along with o<strong>the</strong>r PPs, while under neutral intonation datives vary<br />
with <strong>the</strong> modifier for reasons to be understood (Kayne 1975: 177-9). 92<br />
91 The contrast in (209) is clear in <strong>the</strong> questionnaire, (209)c being close to perfect for <strong>the</strong> most<br />
part, (209)b mostly not part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> speaker's French at all, although not as severely degraded as<br />
some o<strong>the</strong>r strong pronouns. There is a confound: for some, even accusative strong pronouns are<br />
good unfocussed in lists, as J'ai vu elle, Pierre, Claire, et Jean-François arriver 'I saw her, P.,<br />
C., <strong>and</strong> J.-F. arriving'. There seems to be a nice explanation available. A coordination I saw X<br />
<strong>and</strong> Y arriving may be read as I saw X <strong>and</strong> Y toge<strong>the</strong>r arriving or as I saw X arriving <strong>and</strong> I saw Y<br />
arriving. In <strong>the</strong> latter, X <strong>and</strong> Y are alternatives to each o<strong>the</strong>r for I saw __ arriving, <strong>and</strong> thus each<br />
may have focus semantics, licensing strong pronouns. The examples in <strong>the</strong> text are chosen to favour<br />
<strong>the</strong> collective reading. The examples in Grevisse <strong>and</strong> Goose (2008: §660-1) are telling: coordinated<br />
accusative pronouns are lists or foci, coordinated nominative ones not necessarily.<br />
92 It is curious that tous can be a floating quantifier, deux can if preceded by <strong>the</strong> definite article<br />
(for some), <strong>and</strong> autres cannot: Elle vousi en <strong>of</strong>frira à tousi / % aux deuxi / *(*aux) autres 'She