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Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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(62) a. Elle*x∈i lai/∅i lui a déjà présenté[e].<br />

she her.ACC her.DAT has already introduced[-F]<br />

She has already introduced her(*self) to him.<br />

b. Elle n'a plus de conseillèr(e)si à proposer:<br />

elle lesi/∅i lui a (tou-s/tout-esi) déjà présenté[-(e)s].<br />

elle me lesi/*∅i a (tou-s/tout-esi) déjà présenté[-(e)s].<br />

elle lesi/*∅i a (tou-s/tout-esi) déjà présenté[-(e)s].<br />

she me.A <strong>the</strong>m.A her.D has all-PLM/F already introduced[-PL(F)]<br />

She has no more counsellors(M/F) to propose:<br />

she has already introduced <strong>the</strong>m all to him/to me/∅.<br />

(French; [] only orthographic)<br />

c. Et luy donne ceste couronnei, Ainsi que je ∅i luy ay promis-ei.<br />

<strong>and</strong> him.D give this crown(F) as that I him.D have<br />

promised-SGF<br />

<strong>and</strong> I give him this crown, as I have promised it (her) to him<br />

(Middle French, Zink 1997: 247)<br />

The second element <strong>of</strong> a modular signature is <strong>the</strong> distinctive information in<br />

different modules. Clitic forms in Romance systematically ignore certain syntactic<br />

distinctions, for instance between dative clitics for indirect objects, possessors,<br />

<strong>and</strong> benefactives. Opaque cliticization ignores <strong>the</strong> same distinctions, so that<br />

3.DAT → Spanish SE se apply to all datives indiscriminately. Catalan (63) again<br />

provides a minimal contrast between <strong>the</strong> opaque locative for dative in 3.DAT<br />

3.ACC contexts, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> syntactic locative for dative to repair <strong>the</strong> PCC (cf. (58)).<br />

The former affects all datives. The latter affects only <strong>the</strong> indirect object, accessing<br />

a syntactic distinction o<strong>the</strong>rwise absent from morphology.<br />

(63) a. L' hi va recomanar/pintar. (opaque cliticization)<br />

b. M' hi va recomanar/*pintar. (PCC repair)<br />

him/*me.ACC LOC recommended/painted<br />

She recommended him/me to him; She painted him/*me for him.<br />

(Catalan, Bonet 1991: 212, 1992: 107, Rezac 2010c)<br />

Theories <strong>of</strong> morphology model <strong>the</strong> systematic invisibility <strong>of</strong> certain syntactic<br />

information by its impoverishment in <strong>the</strong> mapping from syntax to morphology<br />

(Bonet 1991: 46f., 1995a: 617). Putting opaque cliticization in morphology explains<br />

why it fails to see <strong>the</strong> very same information as o<strong>the</strong>r exponence.<br />

The third element <strong>of</strong> a modular signature is <strong>the</strong> difference <strong>of</strong> syntax <strong>and</strong> morphology<br />

in mechanisms. A striking difference appears in <strong>the</strong>ir domains. Opaque<br />

cliticization pays attention only to information available in a phrase-structurally<br />

local neighbourhood, including <strong>the</strong> clitic cluster, <strong>and</strong> it only has consequences in<br />

that neighbourhood. There seems to exist no analogue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> above 3.DAT 3.ACC<br />

→ SE/LOC 3.ACC that would turn a 3.DAT clitic to a SE/LOC clitic in <strong>the</strong> context<br />

<strong>of</strong> a phrase-structurally remote 3.ACC pronoun, or conversely turn a nonclitic<br />

dative to a locative in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> a 3.ACC clitic. Not even elements linked to<br />

an opaque clitic are affected by its opacity, as already pointed out (55), where <strong>the</strong><br />

41

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