Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

domains. The well-studied English comparative in (74) illustrates the expected
character of a morphological clitic/affix-strong alternation.
(74) Lynn is slower / more rapid / more apt / more ploddingly slow than Helen
ever was. (*more slow, *rapider, *apter, *ploddingly slower)
(75) The slower / more detailed, the better / more interesting.
(Booij 2002: 316 note 7)
The availability of -er comparative depends on the morphophonological properties
of the adjective: length (quicker, *rapider), segmental phonology (sillier,
*regaler), and lexical idiosyncrasy (redder, *gladder, *apter). To syntax these
differences among adjectives are arbitrary and invisible. The more comparative
occurs to repair the gaps of –er formation, and not otherwise (Poser 1992, Williams
1997, cf. Embick and Marantz 2008: 27). 24 Since nonsyntactic factors govern
the synthetic-analytic alternation of the comparative, by modularity it should
occur outside syntax. So it is indeed. For syntax and interpretation, the alternation
is inert. Both –er and more have the same comparative meaning, capacity to license
NPIs (74), and special use in correlatives (75). Bracketing paradoxes like
(10) show that–er scopes over the entire adjective, like more, even when its morphophonological
restrictions require it to attach to a subpart of it.
The alternation demands of morphology the power to span more than the
word, but not much more. Embick (2007) develops an analysis in Distributed
Morphology. After the mapping to LF, morphophonological information is inserted.
The affix -er spells out the degree head DEG°. It right-attaches to the adjective
if its morphophonological requirements are met, else surfaces as more,
(77). Attachment occurs through the Merger operation (49)b operating at this point
over morphophonological strings, so it is restricted to changing the order of adjacent
elements (see). The affix -er can attach to an adjacent adjective, but not skip a
modifier like ploddingly in (74). The limitation of morphology to 'small' domains,
(69), resurfaces, even if larger than the word (cf. Poser 1992).
(76) Bracketing paradox: unhappier
a. Meaning: -er modifies unhappy, 'less happy', not happy, '*not happier';
cf. more unequivocal 'less equivocal, *not more equivocal'.
b. Morphology: -er attaches to short adjective happy, not long unhappy.
(Sproat 1985, Stump 1991)
(77) DEG° A° → (a) A+er if attachment possible, else (b) mo+er A
In the comparative alternation emerges the familiar morphological signature:
syntactico-semantic inertness, partly nonsyntactic information, and partly nonsyn-
24 The fact that adjectives like happy accept both formations for some speakers admits of technical
solutions even in models that license the analytic form in virtue of a synthetic gap (Poser,
Williams, Embick op.cit.); but see Spencer (2005: 289) for other relevant examples.
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