Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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Rooryck (1988a) finds that even where for benefactives that may be àphrases,
the possibility vanishes under various transformations such as direct object
cliticization (but (167) is an exception). He proposes that benefactive àphrases
are not in the same configuration as benefactive clitics, but involve rather
another use of à-phrases akin to 'for' adjuncts. Any such theory that puts them
above the vP would exclude them from creating the PCC in (167)b according to
(121), making them irrelevant to the PCC (cf. Cuervo 2003a: 4.2-3, Roberge and
Troberg 2009, and for a parallel in Warlpiri, Simpson 1983: 2.3.3.2). 76
4.5.3 Causee datives
The next two applicative kinds, causees and falloir-experiencers, show that applicative
datives create the PCC whether clitic or à-phrases, in accord with (121).
The causatives of interest belong to the cross-linguistically common type of restructuring
causative in (168) (cf. Gibson and Raposo 1986, Guasti 2005). The
causative and causativized verb form a single domain for Case, agreement, Amovement,
and cliticization. The causee is dative if it is the external argument of a
transitive, (168)a-d, accusative if the subject of an unaccusative or passive, (168)ef.
All clitic arguments of the embedded verb must climb into the matrix clause.
Beside this causative stands the ECM causative in (169), which behaves more like
the ECM structures in English or French. The causee is accusative, and clitic arguments
of the lower verb stay with it in the infinitive clause.
(168) a. Azenor lui fait manger les gâteaux.
b. Azenor fait manger les gâteaux à Nelson.
c. Azenor lui les fait manger.
d. Azenor les fait manger à Nelson.
Azenor him.D them.A makes eat the cakes to Nelson
Azenor made him/Nelson eat the cakes.
(restructuring causative of active transitive)
e. Azenor fait manger les gâteaux (par Nelson).
f. Azenor les fait manger par Nelson.
Azenor them.A makes eat the cakes by Nelson
Azenor made the cakes be eaten (by Nelson).
(restructuring causative of passive transitive)
(169) a. Azenor (*les) laisse Nelson (les) manger (les gâteaux).
Azenor lets Nelson eat the cakes/them.A (les).
b. Azenor le (*les) laisse (les) manger.
Azenor lets him.A (le) eat them.A (les).
76 The matter is complicated by speaker variation: Rooryck (1988a: 384) contrasts with Postal
(1990) on acheter, Postal (1990: 191 note 31) notes variation on reflexive benefactives, and M.
Jouitteau (p.c.) differs from Postal (1990: 161f.) in allowing benefactives under conjunctive as
much as comparative contrast (albeit not in reduced relatives, p. 151f., cf. (205)b).