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Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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146<br />

The interaction <strong>of</strong> datives with <strong>the</strong> clausal Agree/Case system thus remains<br />

unclear, beyond <strong>the</strong>ir participation in <strong>the</strong> PCC despite failing to control agreement.<br />

The o<strong>the</strong>r evidence seen here indicates a contrast between full phasal PPs <strong>and</strong><br />

PPDAT. Full PPs <strong>and</strong> CPs are phases that satisfy <strong>the</strong> Case-deficiency <strong>of</strong> all DPs,<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Σ-deficiency <strong>of</strong> pronouns, whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> latter is viewed as morphophonological<br />

or syntactic. PPDAT is a nonphasal shell. It lets <strong>the</strong> DP within relate to <strong>the</strong><br />

clause, including partially to <strong>the</strong> Agree/Case system for <strong>the</strong> PCC, although not as a<br />

(full) agreement controller. It does not provide Σ-licensing, leaving <strong>the</strong> CP to take<br />

care <strong>of</strong> it. This is <strong>the</strong> Cliticization Requirement. The PCC repair turns PPDAT into a<br />

full PP, <strong>the</strong> locative PPLOC or nearly so. The next chapter starts from <strong>the</strong>se conclusions<br />

to develop <strong>the</strong> mechanism by which <strong>the</strong> PCC repair can turn a nonphase into<br />

a phase in response to <strong>the</strong> PCC <strong>and</strong> it alone.<br />

4.8 Appendix A: Exceptional Case Marking<br />

It is not at present possible to decide whe<strong>the</strong>r indirect object dative clitics in<br />

French come from <strong>the</strong> prepositional construction <strong>of</strong> (132), where nonclitics are<br />

found, or from <strong>the</strong> applicative construction, since both are available to <strong>the</strong> indirect<br />

objects <strong>of</strong> languages like English. In one configuration, (183)a, a dative clitic<br />

fairly clearly comes from a position below a higher accusative. The adjective selects<br />

a dative argument, embeds in a small clause with a subject, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> small<br />

clause under Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) falls into <strong>the</strong> Case <strong>and</strong> cliticization<br />

domain <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> matrix verb. (183)a contrasts closely with <strong>the</strong> causatives <strong>of</strong> transitives,<br />

(183)b, where <strong>the</strong> dative agent-causee c-comm<strong>and</strong>s <strong>the</strong> lower direct object<br />

accusative. The relevance <strong>of</strong> ECM to <strong>the</strong> PCC is pointed out by Postal (1983,<br />

1984): in <strong>the</strong> French variety he studies, ECM creates clitic clusters immune to <strong>the</strong><br />

PCC.<br />

(225) a. ECM: (clACC clDAT) v believe [SC ACC [AP ADJ DAT]]<br />

b. Trans. caus.: (clACC clDAT) v make [?P DAT [VP V.INF ACC]]<br />

The adjectives involved are <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> type (in)fidèle '(un)faithful', sympathique<br />

'sympa<strong>the</strong>tic', antipathique 'antipa<strong>the</strong>tic, unpleasant', reconnaissant 'grateful', as in<br />

[une fille [reconnaissant à Maï]] 'a girl grateful to Maï'. They may be embedded<br />

under raising <strong>and</strong> ECM. Then <strong>the</strong> dative like any o<strong>the</strong>r must cliticize if an unfocussed<br />

pronoun, (226) (Kayne 1975: 71, 75, 2.12-4, 2.16, 4.6). It seems to have<br />

regular dative clitic properties, including floating quantifier licensing in (133).<br />

(226) Jean est infidèle à Marie / *à toi<br />

Jean t' est infidèle<br />

Jean you.D is unpleasant to Marie / to you<br />

(cf. Kayne 1975: 172, 305f.)

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