Phi-features and the Modular Architecture of - UMR 7023 - CNRS

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arise through the intervention of an applicative dative between a [+person] clitic
and its accusative Agree/Case locus v (Rezac 2007). Causee à-phrases are by far
the clearest instantiation of the configuration in (121)/(122), repeated here:
(122) v > DAT > GACC [+person] > is c-command
*Agree/Case
Because the causee dative represents the agent of the embedded verb, it can be
securely pegged between the direct object and the v of the matrix clause, (170)a.
The theory of the PCC in (121)/(122) then predicts that it should give rise to the
PCC, whether clitic or à-phrase. Other dative à-phrases seen so far have been either
indirect objects, which may or must stand in the prepositional construction
below the direct object, or applicative datives that either cannot be à-phrases at all
or whose position is unclear. We may exclude the possibility that causee à-phrases
create the PCC through a silent clitic that doubles them. (178) demonstrates that
the causee à-phrase fails to license floating quantifiers, as both overt dative clitics
and morphologically deleted accusative clitics do (see (127), (62)). Thus causees
create the PCC both as dative clitics, and as undoubled à-phrases.
(178) Elle a (*tousi) fait (*tousi) manger (*tousi) la tarte aux enfantsi.
she has (*all) made (*all) eat (*all) the cake to.the children
She made the children (*all) eat the cake.
The behaviour of dative causees-agents of active transitives makes for a nice
contrast with that of par/de 'by'-phrase agents of passives. Par-phrase agents are
invisible to the PCC, as in (177). The passives of some verbs also admit de 'of'
phrase agents, which may cliticize as the genitive clitic en (Kayne 1975: 238; often
only literary). Both de-phrases and en-clitics are also invisible to the PCC,
(179), unlike à-phrases and dative clitics in (176). It is natural introduce all these
agents above the direct object, perhaps in [Spec, vP] (cf. Collins 2005, Goodall
1997, Watanabe 1997: 3.4.1, Mahajan 1994). The differences lie in PP structure.
Par/de-phrases are full PPs like locatives on the diagnostics in section 4.2. They
host unfocussed strong pronouns, fail to license floating quantifiers, and are inert
for the PCC. Their full PP also prevents them from participating in the clausal relationships
discussed for (173)-(175), such as the antecedence of anaphora. For all
these phenomena, dative à-phrases and clitics are transparent PPs. Their PP is defective.
Section 4.7 returns to the theory of this difference between PP types.
(179) Parisi tombe amoureux d'Hélènej, sj' eni fait aimer,
Paris falls in.love of Helene SE GEN makes love,
si' enj fait accompagner, et l'j installe à Troie.
SE GEN makes accompany and her.A installs at Troy
Paris falls in love with Helene, makes her (en) fall in love with him,
makes her (en) follow him, and installs her in Troy.