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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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ecognize defects, whether inflicted by coin clippers or by the<br />

admixture of undue amounts of alloy. Here, too, internationally<br />

experienced Jewish dealers were often in a favored position.<br />

Deposit banking also assumed a major economic role.<br />

Unlike the ancient temples and medieval churches, neither<br />

mosques nor synagogues ever served as important depositories<br />

of funds. Because of the relative absence of expulsions<br />

and large-scale massacres of Jews in Muslim countries, Jewish<br />

bankers were considered a fairly secure outlet for surplus<br />

funds which, if profitably invested, could yield substantial<br />

profits to both depositors and depositaries. To be sure, in unstable<br />

periods an arbitrary official (for instance, Al-Baridi,<br />

governor of Al-Aḥwaz) could seize the bankers’ possessions,<br />

including deposits held by them for other accounts, without<br />

compensation. But the depositors running afoul a dignitary’s<br />

personal greed or whim found keeping their funds at home<br />

no less risky. <strong>In</strong> general, however, the frequency and usefulness<br />

of the new methods were so great that the rabbis had to<br />

relax some ancient restrictions and alter the areas of responsibility<br />

on the part of the depositaries in order to facilitate<br />

their operations.<br />

Similarly, the transfer of large amounts from one province<br />

to another in the vast empire and beyond its boundaries<br />

became the more imperative as carrying cash to a distant<br />

locality by land or sea became increasingly hazardous. Gangs<br />

of robbers on land were far exceeded in number and efficiency<br />

by both Mediterranean and <strong>In</strong>dian Ocean pirates. The<br />

North African coast and the extended coastline of the Arabian<br />

Peninsula served as particularly useful hideouts for corsairs.<br />

If the Talmud had objected to the method of transferring<br />

money through a deed called dioqni (derived from sign),<br />

and some medieval rabbis still opposed the bearer instrument<br />

called suftaja in Arabic (which Jews apparently helped develop<br />

jointly with the Arabs), the economic realities were such that<br />

the geonim had to yield and recognize its employment as a<br />

legitimate mercantile usage, “lest the commercial transactions<br />

of the people be nullified” (Teshuvot ha-Ge’onim, 1887,<br />

ed. by A.E. Harkavy, nos. 199, 423, 467). Ultimately, Samuel b.<br />

Hophni, head of the academy of Sura, felt impelled to write a<br />

special legal monograph on “Letters of Authorization” (Sefer<br />

ha-Harsha’ot). Nor did the *Kairouan scholar Nissim b. Jacob<br />

hesitate to use a suftaja in forwarding a gift for the support of<br />

the Babylonian academies.<br />

Even more important, of course, was the large-scale Jewish<br />

participation in the increasingly vital credit system. Although<br />

all three major religions tried to outlaw usury – the<br />

Muslim riba being even more broadly defined than the Christian<br />

usura or the Jewish ribbit – the economic needs of credit<br />

became overwhelming. Since most loans were now extended<br />

not to impoverished farmers but rather to businessmen or<br />

government officials for use in trade or public administration,<br />

the outlawry of any kind of increment over the amounts lent<br />

lost its moral justification. Jews were in a strategic position to<br />

overcome the legal obstacles, as they were the relatively smallest<br />

group in the population and, even if observing the prohi-<br />

economic history<br />

bition of charging interest to coreligionists, could engage in<br />

profitable *moneylending with the large majority of borrowers<br />

of other denominations. All sorts of legal evasions, moreover,<br />

were conceived by jurists of all groups, although this system<br />

was never quite so refined as it was to become in medieval Europe.<br />

One of the simplest expedients appeared to be a fictitious<br />

sale of income-producing property with the right of repurchase<br />

which gave the lender the opportunity of collecting the<br />

revenue of that property during the interim. The widespread<br />

commenda contract, in which the investor appeared as a partner<br />

in the enterprise, likewise offered him the opportunity of<br />

exacting the pledge that he would participate in the ultimate<br />

sale with a specified profit regardless of possible losses. It was<br />

this form of purported silent partnership with a guaranteed<br />

revenue which was most widely used to secure for the lender<br />

an income agreed upon in advance. Until today, some pious<br />

Jews still enter on a bond of indebtedness the words al ẓad<br />

hetter iska (often in abbreviated form, see *Usury) to indicate<br />

their mental reservation against the transgression of the biblical<br />

commandment.<br />

During periods of quiet, profits derived from banking<br />

could be enormous. As a result there emerged a number of<br />

wealthy Jewish bankers, especially in the metropolitan areas<br />

of Baghdad, Cairo, *Alexandria, Kairouan, *Fez, and *Córdoba.<br />

These banking firms did not limit their activities to<br />

loans but usually engaged in related businesses such as trade<br />

in jewelry and precious metals, investment in real estate, and<br />

the like. They often had at their disposal large funds deposited<br />

with them by high government officials secreting away illicit<br />

income from briberies. Ibn al-Furat, a leading vizier of early<br />

tenth-century Baghdad, admitted having had large deposits<br />

with the two Jewish bankers Aaron b. Amram and Joseph b.<br />

Phinehas. <strong>In</strong> return, the bankers had to perform services for<br />

these officials which went much beyond ordinary business<br />

risks. For example, ʿAli ibn ʿIsa, Ibn al-Furat’s more virtuous<br />

rival, did not hesitate to force his Jewish banker to advance<br />

him monthly the equivalent of $40,000 in gold for the<br />

wages of the imperial infantry. This loan was to be covered by<br />

the banker’s revenue from tax farming in the province of Al-<br />

Aḥwaz. Another Jewish tax farmer, Ibn ʿAllan al-Yahudi of<br />

Baṣra, who had lent both the sultan and the famous Persian<br />

statesman Nizam al-Mulk the equivalent of $100,000, was assassinated<br />

in 1079. Sometimes the whole Jewish community<br />

was held responsible for a banker’s refusal to lend money to a<br />

dignitary. <strong>In</strong> one such case, in 996, the mob attacked the entire<br />

Jewish quarter.<br />

Less dramatic, but equally significant, was the expansion<br />

of Jewish activities in the traditional fields of handicrafts<br />

and professions. Needless to say, these occupations offered<br />

vast opportunities to many more Jews than did commerce<br />

and banking. Regrettably no exact occupational statistics can<br />

be offered, but a few extant lists show that the proportion of<br />

craftsmen considerably exceeded that of merchants, even<br />

including the petty shopkeepers and peddlers. Three such<br />

genizah lists show percentages ranging from 38.4 to 52.1 for<br />

ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 6 107

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