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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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main ethically and psychologically oriented. This remains true<br />

for most periods of Jewish history until the emancipation era.<br />

Certain economic factors are simply taken for granted. Not<br />

even Maimonides, who tried to find rationales for many biblical<br />

rituals, considered it necessary to offer any justification<br />

for such a fundamental economic fact as private versus public<br />

ownership. There only was common agreement that good<br />

fortune is bestowed upon man by God’s inscrutable will, while<br />

poverty is to be borne with patience and submission to fate.<br />

Asceticism never became a major trend in Jewish socioreligious<br />

life, although certain groups and individuals practiced it<br />

as a matter of supererogation. Similarly, the postulates of communal<br />

ownership raised by the *Rechabites in the days of Jeremiah<br />

and the *Essenes toward the end of the Second Temple<br />

period were only part of their rejection of alleged departures<br />

from the purity of the old law. But they remained rather ineffectual<br />

fringe movements.<br />

At the same time the “normative” Judaism of the majority<br />

subjected private ownership to severe limitations because<br />

of ethical requirements. From the restatement by Maimonides<br />

of talmudic law, as modified by the subsequent rabbinic literature,<br />

the following categories of property clearly emerge: “(1)<br />

public property belonging to no one and accessible to everybody<br />

for free use, e.g., deserts; (2) public property belonging<br />

to a corporate group, but open to general use, e.g., highways;<br />

(3) potentially private property belonging to no one, but available<br />

for free appropriation, namely all relinquished and some<br />

lost objects; 4) private grounds belonging to the ownerless estate<br />

of a deceased proselyte, equally open to free appropriation;<br />

(5) private grounds not yet taken over by a Jew from a<br />

gentile, open to appropriation against compensation; (6) private<br />

grounds in a walled city, open to everybody’s use but not<br />

to appropriation.” To these must be added the “sacred property”<br />

(*hekdesh) of the Temple of Jerusalem, which, however,<br />

did not apply to the later synagogues; objects placed outside<br />

ordinary use or sale by ritualistic law; as well as the theoretical<br />

claim of every Jew in the world to the possession of four<br />

ells of land in Palestine. Based on the assumption that forcible<br />

deprivation of land never eliminates the rights of the real<br />

owner, the latter legal fiction was of practical significance only<br />

in connection with certain technical restrictions on the formal<br />

transfer of property.<br />

With all their emphasis on private ownership the rabbis<br />

recognized its limitations necessary for the common good.<br />

To begin with, they did not acknowledge the riparian rights<br />

of owners, but considered four ells along all shores as belonging<br />

to the community at large. They also accepted the right<br />

of expropriation for purposes of roadbuilding, the erection<br />

of city walls, and other necessary public works. A city also<br />

had a right to banish certain odiferous trades, such as that<br />

of tanning, outside its walls. Even individuals trying to sell<br />

land had to respect the neighbors’ right of preemption at the<br />

price offered by strangers. <strong>In</strong> general, referring to an old tradition<br />

going back to the agricultural economics of Palestine<br />

and Babylonia, Jewish leaders placed land outside the range<br />

economic history<br />

of ordinary commodities. During the very era of semicapitalistic<br />

prosperity under Islam, they still believed in the stability<br />

of land ownership as against the fluctuations in the value<br />

of any other property. Going beyond the advice of talmudic<br />

sages that prudent men should invest one-third of their funds<br />

in land, one-third in commerce, and keep one-third in ready<br />

cash, Maimonides, perhaps inspired by the severe business<br />

losses sustained by his own family on account of his brother<br />

David’s shipwreck on a voyage to <strong>In</strong>dia, counseled his readers<br />

not to sell a field and purchase a house, or to sell a house<br />

and acquire a movable object. They should rather generously<br />

“aim to acquire wealth by converting the transitory into the<br />

permanent.” The rabbis also greatly stressed the responsibility<br />

of relatives for one another, not only in such dire emergencies<br />

as the redemption of captives but they also generally taught<br />

that “a relative may prove to be extremely wicked, but he nevertheless<br />

ought to be treated with due compassion.”<br />

Other ethical and psychological criteria were employed<br />

in the rabbinic approximation of the doctrine of the just price,<br />

later extensively debated by the medieval Christian scholastics.<br />

No one questioned the community’s right to supervise weights<br />

and measures. Any deficiency, if purely accidental, called for<br />

restitution, but if it was premeditated it was to be punished<br />

severely. Maimonides waxed rhetorical on this subject: “The<br />

punishment for [incorrect] measures is more drastic than<br />

the sanction on incest, because the latter is an offense against<br />

God, while the former affects a fellow man. He who denies the<br />

law concerning measures is like one who denies the Exodus<br />

from Egypt which was the beginning of this commandment”<br />

(Yad, Genevah 7:1–3, 12; 8:1, 20 with reference to BB 89b). The<br />

community also had the right as well as the duty to set maximum<br />

prices whenever conditions demanded it. Of course,<br />

under the general rabbinic doctrine of dina de-malkhuta dina<br />

(“the law of the kingdom is law”) all market regulations by<br />

the state, including the maximum prices set by it, were to be<br />

respected by the Jews too, except when they specifically conflicted<br />

with the divinely revealed <strong>Torah</strong>. Conversely, in many<br />

areas (for instance in Majorca in 1344) the government specifically<br />

forbade the local market supervisors to interfere in<br />

any business dealings in the Jewish quarter. <strong>In</strong> any case, with<br />

their inveterate conservatism the rabbis were reluctant to accept<br />

the law of supply and demand as the determining factor<br />

in controlling prices.<br />

A convenient psychological expedient was found in the<br />

theory of “misrepresentation” (*ona’ah). To prevent overcharges<br />

by sellers and, to a lesser extent, the taking of excessive<br />

advantage of an existing “buyers’ market,” the ancient<br />

sages had already established the principle that if the price<br />

paid for an object exceeded or was below its market value by<br />

one-sixth, the sale could be nullified by the injured party. This<br />

rabbinic doctrine of “misrepresentation,” which seems to have<br />

inspired some related teachings of the Church Fathers and,<br />

through them, the Code of Justinian, could prove to be a serious<br />

obstacle under the freer economy of medieval Islam or<br />

modern Europe. An escape clause was opened by the rabbis,<br />

ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 6 115

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