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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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exile, babylonian<br />

the reference is to Israelite exiles, since these names are common<br />

Northwest Semitic ones and may also designate either<br />

Phoenicians or Arameans.<br />

The documents dealing with or discovered at Gozan,<br />

which is mentioned in the Bible in relation to the exile of<br />

Israel (see above), are particularly instructive in this respect.<br />

One letter (ABL 633) actually mentions one H ̆ alabišu (or less<br />

likely, Haldu) from Samaria living in Gozan, although he<br />

may not have been an Israelite. The same document, however,<br />

names two officials called Palṭiyau and Niriyau (= biblical<br />

Pelatiah and Neriah respectively) who almost certainly<br />

were. Another Assyrian letter (ABL 1009), dated to the seventh<br />

century B.C.E., mentions Samaritans among the troops of the<br />

Assyrian king who were serving in Mesopotamia. <strong>In</strong> a commercial<br />

contract from Gozan (JADD 234 = SAA 6:34) dated to<br />

the end of the eighth century, the signatory witnesses are two<br />

high-ranking officials in the Assyrian administration whose<br />

names are Nādbiyau (biblical Nedabiah), who bore the title<br />

“chariot driver,” and Paqaha (identical with the Israelite royal<br />

name Pekah), whose title was “village manager.” <strong>In</strong> a document<br />

discovered at Gozan (No. 111) two typical Hebrew names<br />

are mentioned – Usi’a (*Hosea) and Dayana (Dinah), as well<br />

as Yaseme’il. <strong>In</strong> B. Mazar’s opinion, this document concerns<br />

Hosea’s redemption of an Israelite woman (Dinah) from an<br />

Aramean. <strong>In</strong> a legal document from Nineveh (SAA 14:50) one<br />

Il-yau (= והילא) sells a girl.<br />

Traces of Israelite captives (and possibly even Judeans)<br />

seem to appear from the end of the eighth century at Calah<br />

(present-day Nimrud) on the Tigris, then capital of Assyria.<br />

An Aramaic ostracon discovered there lists Northwest Semitic<br />

personal names, some of which are common in Israel, such as<br />

Elisha, Haggai, Hananel, and Menahem. This document possibly<br />

concerns a group of Israelites who lived in Calah alongside<br />

Phoenician and Aramean elements, and who worked as<br />

craftsmen in one of the enterprises of the Assyrian kingdom.<br />

Among the Nimrud ivories which bear inscriptions in Phoenician-Aramaic<br />

script, one is clearly a Hebrew inscription<br />

(ND. 10150). Some bronze bowls also found there were engraved<br />

with West Semitic names, such as Yibḥar-ʾel, El-heli,<br />

and Aḥiyô (Ahio), the last name being unmistakably Hebrew.<br />

It cannot be ascertained how these objects, dating from the<br />

second half of the eighth century, reached Calah, but they may<br />

have been taken as spoil from Samaria when the city fell.<br />

Various Assyrian documents contain additional names of<br />

an ordinary Hebrew type, such as Menahem, Amram, Naboth,<br />

and Abram, but it is difficult to determine beyond doubt that<br />

they belong to descendants of the Israelite exiles. <strong>In</strong> an Assyrian<br />

administrative document from the second half of the<br />

eighth century B.C.E., the name Ah ĭyaqāma appears in relation<br />

to the Assyrian city of Halah (H ̆ alah ̆ h ă), which is mentioned<br />

in the Bible as one of the places to which the Israelite<br />

exiles were deported (II Kings 17:6; 18:11). The text could be<br />

interpreted as referring to an Israelite deportee named Ahikam.<br />

<strong>In</strong> the view of Tur-Sinai (Torczyner), the inscription on<br />

an amulet discovered at Arslan Tash (ancient Hadatta), east of<br />

the Euphrates, is written in Hebrew (though this is doubtful;<br />

see Sperling in Bibliography), and he attributes it to an Israelite<br />

deportee from Samaria. The existence of an Israelite exile is<br />

also alluded to in legendary tradition, such as that embodied<br />

in the book of Tobit. The hero claims descent from the tribe of<br />

Naphtali, supposedly deported in the days of Shalmaneser.<br />

From the documents that presumably refer to the Israelites,<br />

or for that matter to any other exiles, it is evident that<br />

as a rule they did not possess the status of slaves or of an oppressed<br />

population. The exiles were first settled in Mesopotamia<br />

as land tenants of the king (cf. the words of Rab-Shakeh<br />

in II Kings 18:32), while the craftsmen among them were<br />

employed in state enterprises. Eventually, some of the exiles<br />

achieved economic and social status and even occupied highranking<br />

positions in the Assyrian administration. They were<br />

given the right to agricultural holdings and to observe the<br />

customs of their forefathers, and enjoyed a certain measure<br />

of internal autonomy. The striking of roots in Mesopotamian<br />

society by a large part of the descendants of the Israelite exiles<br />

resulted in their eventual absorption into the foreign milieu.<br />

Nevertheless, part of the Israelite community undoubtedly<br />

preserved its distinct national character and maintained connections<br />

with the homeland (cf. II Kings 17:28), later merging<br />

with the Judean exile. The return to Zion apparently included<br />

remnants of the ten tribes, as alluded to in the Bible<br />

(see the prophecies concerning national unification in Ezek.<br />

16:53ff.; 37:16ff.; and cf. Zech. 8:13; 10:6ff.) and as indicated<br />

in the genealogical lists of Ezra and Nehemiah (cf., e.g., Ezra<br />

2:2; Neh. 7:7).<br />

Bibliography: S. Schiffer, Keilinschriftliche Spuren… (OLZ<br />

10, Beiheft 1, 1907); W. Rosenau, in: HUCA, 1 (1925), 79ff.; A. Ungnad,<br />

in: J. Friedrich et al., Die <strong>In</strong>schriften vom Tell Halaf (1940); H.J.<br />

May, in: BA, 6 (1943), 55ff.; H. Torczyner, in: JNES, 6 (1947), 18ff.; B.<br />

Maisler (Mazar), in: BIES, 15 (1949–50), 83ff.; EM, 2 (1954), 500–3 (incl.<br />

bibl.); J.B. Segal, in: Iraq, 19 (1957), 139ff.; W.F. Albright, in: BASOR,<br />

149 (1958), 33–36; A.R. Millard, in: Iraq, 24 (1962), 41ff.; R.D. Barnett,<br />

in: Eretz Israel, 8 (1967), 1*–7*; S.M. Paul, in: JBL, 88 (1969), 73–74.<br />

Add. Bibliography: B. Oded, Mass Deportations and Deportees<br />

in the Neo-Assyrian Empire (1979); idem, in: K. van Lerberghe and A.<br />

Schoors (eds.), Immigration and Emigration within the Ancient Near<br />

East (FS Lipiński, 1995), 205–12; S.D. Sperling, in: HUCA, 53 (1982),<br />

1–10; H. Tadmor and M. Cogan, II Kings (1988), 176–80, 198–201,<br />

336–37; M. Diakonoff, in: Scripta Hierosolymitana, 33 (FS Tadmor;<br />

1991), 13–20; I. Ephʿal, ibid., 36–45; B. Becking, The Fall of Samaria<br />

(1992); H. Tadmor, Tiglath-Pileser III (1994), 82–3; G. Knoppers,<br />

I Chronicles 1–9 (AB; 2003), 382.<br />

[Abraham Malamat]<br />

EXILE, BABYLONIAN, exiles of Judah to Babylonia, sixth–<br />

fifth centuries B.C.E. Although Babylonia was not the only destination<br />

of former Judahites, it was the Babylonian deportees<br />

and their descendants whose perspectives inform the Hebrew<br />

Bible. Modern scholarship has adopted their perspective in<br />

dividing Israelite/Jewish history into “pre-exilic,” “exilic,” and<br />

“post-exilic” periods. The destruction of the Assyrian empire<br />

brought only temporary respite to the kingdom of Judah.<br />

The newly established Chaldean (Neo-Babylonian) dynasty<br />

608 ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 6

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