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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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Passover seder no longer took place at home, but in the synagogue,<br />

under the direction of a rabbi, or teacher.<br />

Observers note the extent to which the contemporary<br />

American Jewish family, particularly in suburbia, became<br />

child centered. While concern for the well-being and education<br />

of children is basic to Jewish tradition, the child-oriented<br />

behavior of American Jewish families is a more recent<br />

phenomenon. This generation of American Jews was often<br />

characterized by a Judaism that was for the young – children<br />

attending Hebrew school at least until bar and bat mitzvah –<br />

and the old – grandparents attending regularly as a routine<br />

part of their lives.<br />

Having acquired the economic means to provide more<br />

than basic food, clothing and shelter, Jewish parents developed<br />

a tendency to indulge their children with a surfeit of material<br />

goods. This behavior is reflected, says Sklare (1971, p. 88), in<br />

the expression “‘they gave their son everything.’ ‘Everything’<br />

means the best of everything from the necessities to the luxuries:<br />

it includes clothing, medical attention, entertainment, vacations,<br />

schools and myriad other items.” <strong>In</strong> this same context,<br />

observed Gordon, “The financial burdens that Jewish parents<br />

in suburbia gladly bear for what they regard as the best interests<br />

of their children is often astonishing [and sometimes<br />

disturbing] to persons who are aware of the sacrifices these<br />

entail” (Gordon, ibid., p. 65). Many second- and third-generation<br />

American Jewish parents acknowledged that the very<br />

move to suburbia was “for the sake of the children.”<br />

Another example of child-focused family behavior was<br />

reflected in the attitude towards ritual observance and Jewish<br />

education. According to Sklare, any ritual that is centered<br />

on the child is more likely to be retained by the family<br />

(ibid., pp. 115, 116). This means that (1) the ritual activity must<br />

provide an opportunity to directly involve the child, and (2) it<br />

should convey “optimism, fun, and gratification.” The Passover<br />

seder and the lighting of candles at Hanukkah are two oftencited<br />

examples. Toward the end of the 20th century, Sukkot<br />

experienced an increase in the percentage of observance as<br />

Jews had land and backyards where they could build a sukkah<br />

and it was a family centered, do-it-yourself activity, a perfect<br />

suburban project. This understanding of ritual correlates religious<br />

practice with the interests of children. Consequently,<br />

within the year of their youngest child’s bar or bat mitzvah,<br />

many parents discontinued their child’s formal Jewish education,<br />

choosing not to renew their synagogue membership, to<br />

curtail their other Jewish communal activities, and sometimes<br />

to reduce the family’s observance of home rituals.<br />

<strong>In</strong> their respective analyses of Jewish suburban life, Gans<br />

(ibid., p. 233) and Gordon (ibid., pp. 19, 59–60) discuss changes<br />

in the family that developed with respect to both males and<br />

females in the mid 20th Century. According to Gans:<br />

<strong>In</strong> the suburb… the men’s daytime absence shifts a much greater<br />

role in its affairs to the women, except in functions requiring<br />

business skills, and aspirations such as power…[Women’s’] concern<br />

with Jewish education seems also to be stronger than that<br />

of the men…This is a major shift from the traditional Jewish<br />

family, american jewish<br />

family organization in which the father, as religious leader of<br />

the household, supervised the children’s education for an adult<br />

community in which he himself was playing a role.<br />

<strong>In</strong> response to their husbands’ preoccupation with earning a<br />

living, claims Gordon, suburban Jewish women in the postwar<br />

era began to take responsibility for matters for which their<br />

husbands were once considered the sole authority in theory<br />

if not in practice. This mirrored the responsibility that other<br />

American women assumed for the transmission of culture.<br />

My observation…, and particularly this intensive study of suburban<br />

Jewish family life, leads to the conclusion that.… “all major<br />

decisions are made by the husband while all the minor ones<br />

are made by the wife.” The major decisions… deal with such<br />

matters as war and peace, sputnik and satellites. The minor issues<br />

include rearing the children and choosing their schools, the<br />

particular synagogue with which to affiliate, the neighborhood<br />

into which to move and the kind of home to buy.<br />

The Jewish woman has acquired her new position of…<br />

leadership by default… So completely engrossed in business<br />

affairs… [the husband] generally gives little attention to spiritual<br />

and cultural matters that involve his home and family. The<br />

husband’s failure has led inevitably to the wife’s new status.<br />

The geographic mobility among Jewish families in the postwar<br />

era primarily reflects their relocation to the local suburbs,<br />

not inter-state or cross country migration. It is true that from<br />

the 1950s it became increasingly common for the corporate<br />

breadwinner to be transferred great distances. However, since<br />

many Jews remained excluded from the corporate sector during<br />

these years, the voluntary move to the nearby suburbs was<br />

far more common. Jewish families moved not only from the<br />

city to the suburbs, but in time they also moved within and<br />

between suburbs. As its income rose, it was not uncommon for<br />

a family to sell its home in a less expensive section of one suburb<br />

and move to a higher status area within the same suburb.<br />

Naturally, families also moved from lower to higher status suburbs.<br />

Kramer and Levantman note that the “securely American<br />

status of the third generation and its increasing mobility<br />

have released it from old ties and community sentiments….”<br />

The Mid-1960s to the 1980s<br />

By the middle of the 1960s Jewish family life in America appeared<br />

to have reached the zenith of prosperity and security.<br />

From a historical perspective, few, if any other Jewish communities<br />

could claim to feel so well integrated into surrounding<br />

society. Sklare (1971) contends that this very success resulted<br />

in “[a] paucity of substantial research studies on the American-Jewish<br />

family…The Jewish family constellation has not<br />

created social problems in the general society. <strong>In</strong> fact it has<br />

done just the opposite: the Jewish family seems to have solved<br />

problems rather than caused them” (p. 73).<br />

But all was not perfect. Acculturation and integration<br />

came with a price. “As upward mobility pushed immigrants’<br />

children to the suburbs, their parents were linked to memories<br />

of dark stairways, stale smells, cramped apartments, loud<br />

voices, and barbarous accents. <strong>In</strong> comparison, blending into a<br />

bland mainstream was a big step forward. With so much dis-<br />

ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 6 701

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