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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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ut influential minority of the Jews as remuneration for cultural<br />

assimilation. The price to pay was basically severance of<br />

their relations with the rest of the Jewish community and the<br />

abandonment of the active desire to perpetuate this community.<br />

Under the circumstances, the offer of social acceptance<br />

was a tempting one since it involved social advancement by<br />

the criteria of the community at large. That not every social<br />

group would accept its Jewish counterpart even at the price<br />

of cultural assimilation was obvious, but during the transition<br />

period personal or narrow group interests were strong and the<br />

fight for universal civil rights still very much ahead. The situation<br />

presented a challenge to the Jewish communal authority<br />

and called for surrender of its traditional power of exclusive<br />

representation of the Jews and of its power of *taxation. The<br />

weakening of the authority of the Jewish community organization<br />

could also be traced to the growing unwillingness of the<br />

more affluent groups in the community to subject themselves<br />

to income redistribution in favor of the poor. Poor relief was<br />

“scaled down” from a duty concept to one of discretionary<br />

charity, and paupers were “encouraged” to find employment.<br />

Although the full impact of the newly created situation of defining<br />

one’s identity, under conditions of relatively free choice,<br />

was to be felt during a later period, the difficulties and problems<br />

thus created – psychological and social – were already<br />

becoming apparent during the transition period.<br />

Modern Period<br />

The main features of the development of the economy of the<br />

Jews during the modern period are patterns of migration, penetration<br />

into areas of industry, maintenance of a strong position<br />

in the area of services, and very limited involvement in<br />

agriculture. Decades ago economic historians were engaged in<br />

a debate about the role of the Jews in the development of capitalism,<br />

some trying to define the historically objective role of<br />

the Jews as active agents of capitalist development. Now with<br />

historical hindsight the discussion would probably be conducted<br />

and conclusions reached within a different framework.<br />

The implicit notion that capital was abundant in the Jewish<br />

sector of the economy would now be refuted and therefore the<br />

logic of portraying the Jews as “objectively acting” on behalf of<br />

a capitalist order would be rejected. It would probably be accepted,<br />

however, that an order of economic liberalism is one<br />

that provides greater opportunities for any minority, the Jews<br />

included, than an alternative economic system based upon a<br />

different ideology and set of political principles. An impersonal<br />

market and a high degree of division of labor may create<br />

alienation and other social ills, but by not requiring that the<br />

commodities produced have any other labels than the price<br />

tag, the free market works against discrimination. A competitive<br />

market may injure high-cost producers or cause unemployment,<br />

but its principles were compatible with the ideas of<br />

social and cultural pluralism. The relatively favorable response<br />

of Jews and other minorities to the liberalization of the economic<br />

order was based primarily on an expected reduction in<br />

discrimination. However, while a liberal economic order pro-<br />

economic history<br />

vided the Jews with opportunities, it could not provide them<br />

with a right to work, to compete on equal terms, to the same<br />

extent that such a “right” was traditionally enjoyed by the various<br />

classes of the majority population. <strong>In</strong> addition, the phase<br />

of economic liberalism as a chief characteristic of the capitalist<br />

system was neither a permanent feature nor a very longlasting<br />

one, nor even one universally followed in all countries<br />

experiencing the capitalist type of economic growth.<br />

<strong>In</strong> most countries of Eastern Europe the capitalist stage<br />

of development coincided with a rise of nationalism, which at<br />

various points exhibited a discriminatory attitude toward the<br />

Jews in general or toward some social groups within the Jewish<br />

community, in attempts to promote the interests of the ethnic<br />

majority. Tariff policies against foreign goods were accompanied<br />

not infrequently by discriminatory taxation imposed<br />

upon “foreigners” within the country, meaning national minorities.<br />

<strong>In</strong> the multi-national states of Eastern Europe there<br />

were ample opportunities for labeling various minorities as<br />

“foreign,” “alien,” and so on. Under such conditions it could<br />

hardly be expected that the Jewish masses, who were adversely<br />

affected by discriminatory policies, would consider the capitalist<br />

economic system as more desirable or attractive than an<br />

alternative promising them the “right to work.”<br />

JEWISH MIGRATION. It is against the background of insufficient<br />

employment opportunities and discrimination that the<br />

process of migration has to be viewed. The pattern of Jewish<br />

migration, of spatial mobility of labor, during the modern period<br />

differed in many respects from previous migration patterns.<br />

The general direction was westward, from Eastern Europe<br />

to the West, and from Europe overseas. As a matter of<br />

fact, the migration from Western Europe overseas was more<br />

than made up for by an influx of Jews from the East. This general<br />

direction of the migration was significant as a movement<br />

from less rapidly developing countries to more rapidly developing<br />

ones. <strong>In</strong> terms of its time dimension the inter-country<br />

migration was intensified during the 19th century and reached<br />

its peak during the decade prior to World War I. But apart<br />

from the inter-country migration, of very considerable significance<br />

was the intra-country migration from the less urbanized<br />

areas to the more urbanized areas, a development that<br />

increased the degree of concentration of the Jewish population<br />

in large urban and metropolitan areas, with their developed<br />

industry, trade, and other social or cultural characteristics.<br />

Both the domestic and international migration and the pattern<br />

of settlement of the Jews contributed to urban concentration<br />

and had an impact upon the social and economic structure<br />

of the Jewish population. While it is tempting to assign the<br />

role of prime mover in Jewish migrations to purely economic<br />

causes, it would be erroneous to omit political elements such<br />

as discriminatory legislation, violent antisemitism, pogroms,<br />

and revolutions. Political upheavals and governmental policies<br />

influenced the pace of the migration process, but could<br />

not stop it for any appreciable length of time (the case of the<br />

Soviet Union being an exception).<br />

ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 6 129

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