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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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economic history<br />

however, through their emphasis on psychology. They taught<br />

that if a seller openly declared to the purchaser that he had<br />

overcharged him by so and so much and the purchaser accepted<br />

the deal, there was no redress. Also by removing such<br />

important areas as land, slaves, and commercial deeds – the<br />

latter particularly important in transferring properties from<br />

one individual to another – from the operation of this principle,<br />

the economic realities could reassert themselves without<br />

formally altering the law. The same exception facilitated<br />

barter trade. A man could trade, for example, a needle for a<br />

coat of mail if, for some psychological reason, he preferred the<br />

needle. This was particularly true in the case of jewelry where<br />

emotional preferences might well have outweighed purely<br />

market considerations.<br />

Among the transactions also not subject to the law of<br />

“misrepresentation” was free labor. Although the economic<br />

importance of hired workers was much greater than that of<br />

slaves, there was no comprehensive labor legislation in rabbinic<br />

law (see *Labor Law). Generally, the leaders preferred the<br />

employment of Jewish workers as a matter of ethnoreligious<br />

policy. Typical of the rabbinic attitude was Maimonides’ contention<br />

that “he who increases the number of his slaves from<br />

day to day increases sin and iniquity in the world, whereas<br />

the man who employs poor Jews in his household increases<br />

merits and religious deeds” (Yad, Mattenot Aniyyim 10:17).<br />

This doctrine implied a general right to work for Jewish laborers,<br />

just as it conversely stressed everybody’s duty to work<br />

in order to make a living. “Skin a carcass on the streets [the<br />

lowest type of labor], rather than be dependent on other people”<br />

was an old rabbinic watchword. Because of the primarily<br />

psychological interpretations, an employer could overtly arrange<br />

with a free laborer to do work which he could not impose<br />

upon a slave, since this was but a voluntary agreement<br />

on both sides. Similarly, the ancient protective regulation in<br />

the Bible that the payment of a daily worker’s wages must not<br />

be delayed overnight could be modified by mutual agreement<br />

if a labor contract extended over a longer period. On his part,<br />

the employee was obliged to do an honest piece of work and<br />

not waste any time. Following ancient precedents, however,<br />

the rabbis allowed agricultural workers to partake of some of<br />

the grapes or grain on which they were working, though not<br />

of the fruit from orchards or vegetables from truck gardens.<br />

There also were many specific regulations concerning different<br />

categories of labor, such as shepherds. Each category had<br />

its own regulations, largely derived from age-old customs prevailing<br />

in particular localities.<br />

The most difficult problem confronting the Jewish leaders<br />

was that of moneylending on interest. From biblical times<br />

there existed the outright prohibition, “Unto thy brother<br />

thou shalt not lend upon interest” (Deut. 23:21). Once again<br />

the approach of the ancient and medieval interpreters to that<br />

passage was based on ethics and psychology rather than<br />

economics. We are told in the same verse that “unto a foreigner<br />

[or stranger] thou mayest lend upon interest,” but it did<br />

not occur to any of these interpreters to look for an economic<br />

rationale for this distinction. Under the conditions of ancient<br />

Palestine, lending money to a fellow Israelite usually meant<br />

extending credit to a needy farmer or craftsman for whom<br />

the return of the original amount plus the prevailing high<br />

interest was an extreme hardship. At the same time the foreigner,<br />

that is, the Phoenician-Canaanite merchant, as a rule<br />

borrowed money to invest it in his business for profit. Such<br />

a productive form of credit fully justified the original lender<br />

to participate in some form or other in the profits derived by<br />

the borrower.<br />

<strong>In</strong>stead, the interpretation was always purely moralistic,<br />

namely a demand that lending to a fellow Jew had to be<br />

purely charitable, while extending credit to a non-Jew could<br />

be a businesslike proposition. Without going to the extreme<br />

of St. Ambrose who considered lending to a stranger a legitimate<br />

hostile act against an enemy (ubi ius belli ibi ius usurae),<br />

nor sharing the equally extreme view of some Jewish jurists<br />

who considered the biblical phrase, la-nokhri tashikh a commandment:<br />

“thou shalt,” rather than “thou mayest,” lend on<br />

interest to a stranger, most rabbis followed the talmudic rule<br />

that for segregationist reasons all but well informed scholars<br />

should abstain from moneylending to gentiles altogether. Yet<br />

they admitted that many Jews could not make a living any<br />

other way. Remarkably, not even the medieval Jewish Aristotelian<br />

philosophers quoted, as did their Christian counterparts,<br />

Aristotle’s doctrine of the essential sterility of money. Whatever<br />

the theoretical justification of this point of view was, it<br />

ran counter to the daily experience of most Jewish sages that<br />

money could, in fact, earn greater increments than did land<br />

or any other movable property.<br />

<strong>In</strong> their extremist ethico-psychological bent of mind<br />

the rabbis even outlawed such external forms of “usury” as<br />

nonmonetary gains. They taught, for example, that, unless<br />

the borrower used to do so before securing the loan, he was<br />

not entitled to greet the lender first or even to teach him the<br />

<strong>Torah</strong>. Echoing talmudic teachings Maimonides insisted that<br />

“it is forbidden for a man to appear before, or even to pass<br />

by, his debtor at a time when he knows that the latter cannot<br />

pay. He may frighten him or shame him, even if he does<br />

not ask for repayment” (Yad, Malveh ve-Loveh 1:1–3). Needless<br />

to say, only a few pietistic moneylenders could live up to<br />

these high expectations. On the other hand, economic realities,<br />

particularly in countries like medieval England, France,<br />

northern Italy, and Germany, where banking became the very<br />

economic foundation of many Jewish communities, forced the<br />

Jews to make some theoretical concessions. <strong>In</strong> his apologetic<br />

tract, Milḥemet Mitzvah of 1245, Meir b. Simon of Narbonne<br />

argued that “divine law prohibited usury, not interest… Not<br />

only the peasant must borrow money, but also the lords, and<br />

even the great king of France… The king would have lost many<br />

fortified places, if his faithful agent, a Jew of our city, had not<br />

secured for him money at a high price” (cited by Adolph Neubauer<br />

from a manuscript in Archives des missions scientifiques,<br />

3d ser., 16, 556). Addressing his own coreligionists, a German<br />

rabbi, Shalom b. Isaac Sekel, insisted that “the reason why the<br />

116 ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 6

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