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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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only at Emar and Tuttul. Even at the time of the Late Bronze<br />

archives, elders retained important legal and ritual responsibilities.<br />

Israel’s monarchy also had to build its power in a political<br />

environment with long-established traditions for collective<br />

governance, in this case rooted in populations spread<br />

across a much larger region. Aside from any direct political<br />

comparison, the strength of collective political life at Emar<br />

gives its public religious celebrations a flavor more like what<br />

the Bible portrays for Israel than much Near Eastern public<br />

ritual, which tends to revolve around the king.<br />

The most striking specific comparisons between Emar<br />

texts and the Bible have to do with religion, and public ritual<br />

life in particular. One preoccupation of the biblical <strong>Torah</strong> is<br />

the definition of a collective Jewish religious practice by reference<br />

to Israel in its life before kings, before Jerusalem and its<br />

temple, even before settlement in the land. This religious practice<br />

includes a major public component, with the ark and its<br />

tent shrine, priests for all Israel, and festivals to be celebrated<br />

in the name of Israel.<br />

Although Emar religion belongs to a Late Bronze Age<br />

town, far to Israel’s north, the cultural framework has points<br />

in common with Israel, beyond the collective political traditions.<br />

Most telling is the foundation of a shared temple architecture.<br />

<strong>In</strong> broad Near Eastern terms, the temples of Syria-Palestine,<br />

drawn north-south to include what become the lands<br />

of Israel and Judah, stand out from many other types. Even in<br />

the central cities of significant states, Syrian temples are most<br />

often constructed along one axis, with a doorway that opens<br />

directly onto the main sanctuary room. Four Emar temples,<br />

including the sacred room of the diviner’s building M1, share<br />

this form. The only descriptions of temple form in the Bible<br />

apply to Solomon’s structure at Jerusalem and the mobile tent<br />

of *Exodus. Both of these share the simple axial layout of the<br />

regional type. Together with these simple sanctuary forms we<br />

find a lack of large temple-based communities, in contrast to<br />

the major sacred centers of the southern Mesopotamian cities,<br />

for one. Only a small number of priests enter the temple, and it<br />

is rare that the temple serves as the home for sacred personnel.<br />

At Emar, it is possible that only the storm god’s (NIN.DINGIR)<br />

priestess and perhaps the neighboring mash’artu priestess of<br />

Ashtartu lived in the temples they served.<br />

The most provocative comparisons between Emar and<br />

biblical religion relate to ritual procedure. Two clusters merit<br />

special attention, one related to the calendrical structure of<br />

festivals and the other to the technique of anointing. Both<br />

clusters are embedded in the public ritual life of the people on<br />

both sides of the comparison. On the biblical side, the closest<br />

comparisons appear in the priestly lore of the <strong>Torah</strong>. Although<br />

the finished versions of this lore may date to the exile of Judah<br />

or later, the similarities to Emar practice suggest that these<br />

traits do not derive from external contacts unique to such late<br />

times. They appear to be deeply indigenous, never borrowed,<br />

arising and developing in the local setting.<br />

Three of Emar’s all-town festivals are constructed around<br />

seven-day blocks, like the Bible’s seven-day festivals of Pesah/<br />

emar<br />

Massot (Passover/Unleavened Bread) and Sukkot (Booths).<br />

Two of the Emar events are the installation rites for the priestesses<br />

of the storm god and Ashtartu, which were evidently<br />

performed after the death of the previous officeholder. Only<br />

one was celebrated according to the annual calendar, and the<br />

similarities are striking. Emar’s zukru festival was focused on<br />

the full moon of the first month, with a seven-day period of<br />

feasting to follow. Emar counted the new year from the fall.<br />

At least once, a special version took place in the seventh year,<br />

and this event was by far the most expensive rite recorded in<br />

the archive. The zukru was an all-town festival during which<br />

the whole population brought all the gods outside the walls<br />

to pay special honor to Dagan as head of Emar’s pantheon.<br />

The word zukru is West Semitic, not Akkadian, and probably<br />

represents an act defined by speech, a prayer or oath that renewed<br />

devotion to Dagan in this leading role.<br />

Emar’s zukru has more in common with the major calendar<br />

festivals than does any one rite found at Ugarit. Pesah/<br />

Massot and Sukkot are celebrated at the two axes of the ancient<br />

year, in spring and fall, and in the Holiness Code and Priestly<br />

versions of Leviticus 23 and Numbers 28–29, both incorporate<br />

a seven-day block and are focused on the full moon. The autumn<br />

new year at Emar matches the timing of Sukkot, in particular.<br />

Although this feast came to give came to give pride of<br />

place to the spring event in later tradition, the importance of<br />

the autumn equinox is visible in several aspects of the biblical<br />

calendar. <strong>In</strong> spite of the count of numbered months from the<br />

spring in priestly writing and the eventual borrowing of the<br />

Babylonian calendar with its spring new year, Exodus 23:16<br />

and 34:22 indicate a turn of the year in the fall. This tradition<br />

is preserved in Rosh Hashanah, celebrated at the new moon<br />

of the first autumn month. A late note at the end of Deuteronomy<br />

preserves the most striking comparison with Emar’s<br />

zukru (31:10–11). Every seventh year, at the feast of Sukkot,<br />

the written instruction of Moses was to be read aloud to the<br />

assembled population. The calendar is exactly like that of<br />

Emar's’special event, and the centrality of speech also offers<br />

an impressive continuity. How can we explain these similarities?<br />

The contents of each religious tradition are surely distinct.<br />

Deuteronomy’s choice of this timing for such a major<br />

rite must, however, reflect ancient practices in Israel or Judah,<br />

even if they are transformed here to fit the notion of a Mosaic<br />

text. Somehow, the zukru at Emar belongs to a stream of ritual<br />

custom in which the biblical festivals participate at a later<br />

date. Where the calendar of biblical ritual corresponds with<br />

that of Emar’s zukru, it is unlikely that the biblical timing was<br />

first created or borrowed at the date of textual composition,<br />

even if that may finally be exilic or later. The priestly calendar<br />

for the spring and fall festivals, along with the fall rite of<br />

Deuteronomy 31, appear to be much older than the texts in<br />

which they are embedded.<br />

Aside from the calendar, Emar’s festival accounts resemble<br />

the <strong>Torah</strong> instructions for Israel in at least one more<br />

important respect. They share an emphasis on the assembly<br />

of the people, without differentiation, and without leadership<br />

ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 6 389

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