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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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exeter<br />

havior for Jews in the Middle Ages. The corpus of historical<br />

chronicles describing the massacres in Germany and northern<br />

France during the Crusades, though written primarily as<br />

historical works, served for centuries as exempla to any Jewish<br />

community under threat of conversion or death. Contemporaries<br />

of the expulsion from Spain repeatedly complain of<br />

those who did not follow the example set by their Ashkenazi<br />

brothers during the Crusades, but preferred conversion to exile.<br />

History itself, or historical chronicles, served in this case<br />

as exempla in the full sense of the term.<br />

The largest body of exempla in medieval Hebrew literature<br />

is to be found in Sefer Ḥasidim (see bibliography), the<br />

main ethical work of the *Ḥasidei Ashkenaz in the 12th and<br />

13th centuries. The book includes hundreds of exempla; however,<br />

where generally the exempla tend to specify men whose<br />

undoubted virtue should prompt emulation of their deeds,<br />

the exempla in Sefer Ḥasidim are always anonymous. Where<br />

the name is mentioned (e.g., “a certain Joseph or Mordecai”),<br />

it has no associative meaning. Most of the exempla start with:<br />

“There was a Jew who…” or “It is told about a Ḥasid who…”<br />

The tendency toward anonymity was part of the ethical ideology<br />

of *Judah he-Ḥasid, the author of most of the book. The<br />

ideology based itself on the concept that if great deeds are told<br />

about a person, he, or his family, might take sinful pride in<br />

the fact (pride being regarded by the Ḥasidim as one of the<br />

cardinal sins). Unlike the exempla influenced by Islam, the<br />

exempla of Sefer Ḥasidim are concrete, reflecting everyday<br />

life and everyday ethical problems. It is possible that many of<br />

the episodes actually happened, the author using true anecdotes<br />

to illustrate his ethical standards. Many of the exempla<br />

describe the behavior of Jews during the persecutions of the<br />

Crusades; these served as models of behavior to many communities.<br />

Most of the exempla, however, describe the right,<br />

ethical way to behave when tempted by pride, by the evil powers<br />

lurking in man, how to conduct oneself toward women,<br />

gentiles, etc.<br />

<strong>In</strong> the Ashkenazi ḥasidic exempla there is a class of anecdotes<br />

which expound ways of repentance involving the use of<br />

extreme self-mortification. Exempla of the same sort are found<br />

300 years later in 16th-century Safed when mystic sages (some<br />

of them tried to remain anonymous) used the same type of<br />

mortification as a means to repent for their own sins and for<br />

the sins of the people of Israel.<br />

<strong>In</strong> a sense, modern ḥasidic narrative literature served also<br />

as exempla, but its purpose was different. The wonderful stories<br />

told about the ẓaddikim were not models of conduct to be<br />

followed implicitly by Ḥasidim. The ẓaddikim had a different<br />

code of behavior from their believers, and the stories of their<br />

behavior were intended to provoke meditation, to bring the<br />

ḥasid into deeper understanding of the ways of the ẓaddikim<br />

and the ways of God, and thereby to some extent to influence<br />

the ḥasid’s own ethical behavior.<br />

Bibliography: M. Gaster, The Exempla of the Rabbis<br />

(Eng. and Heb., 1924, 19682 with introd. by Braude); J. Meitlis, Das<br />

Ma’assebuch (1933); J. Wistinetzki and J. Freiman (eds.), Sefer Ḥasidim<br />

(1924, repr. 1955); A. Jellinek (ed.), Beit ha-Midrash, 6 vols. (19382);<br />

J.R. Marcus, Jew in the Medieval World (1960), 225–83. Add. Bibliography:<br />

J. Dan, Ha-Sippur ha-Ivri bi-Yemei ha-Beinayim: Iyyunim<br />

be-Toldotav (1974); A. Alba, Midrás de los Diez Mandamientos y Libro<br />

precioso de la Salvación (1989); idem, Cuentos de los rabinos (1991).<br />

[Joseph Dan]<br />

EXETER, town in S.W. England. Before the expulsion of<br />

the Jews in 1290, Exeter was the most westerly Jewish community<br />

in England. The first mention of Jews there is in 1181.<br />

Only one Exeter Jew, Amiot, is mentioned as contributing<br />

to the *Northampton Donum of 1194, but subsequently<br />

Exeter became the seat of one of the *archae for the registration<br />

of Jewish debts. <strong>In</strong> 1275 the local chirographers, both<br />

Jewish and Christian, were accused of forgery but were acquitted.<br />

At an ecclesiastical synod held at Exeter in 1287,<br />

the church restrictions regarding the Jews were reenacted.<br />

On the eve of the expulsion of 1290, the community numbered<br />

nearly 40 householders, who possessed considerable<br />

debts and a large quantity of corn. At the beginning of the<br />

18th century some Italian Jews were living at Exeter, including<br />

Gabriel Treves and Joseph Ottolenghi (later of South Carolina).<br />

The conversion of Ottolenghi to Christianity about 1735<br />

caused considerable controversy. Exeter subsequently became<br />

a center of peddling activities. The synagogue still standing<br />

was built in 1763. <strong>In</strong> 1968, 20 Jews lived in Exeter, apart from<br />

a number of Jewish students at the university. <strong>In</strong> the mid-<br />

1990s and 2000s the Jewish population numbered approximately<br />

150. There is an Orthodox synagogue, which today<br />

holds monthly services.<br />

Bibliography: Adler, in: Transactions of the Devonshire Association<br />

for the Advancement of Science, Literature and Art, 63 (1931),<br />

221–40; Rigg, Exchequer, index; Roth, Mag Bibl, index; idem, Rise of<br />

Provincial Jewry (1950), 59–61. Add. Bibliography: JYB, 2004.<br />

[Cecil Roth]<br />

EXILARCH (Aram. אתּול ָ ּג ָ שי ׁ ר, ֵ resh galuta), lay head of the<br />

Jewish community in Babylon. (See Chart: Exilarchs of Parthian<br />

and Sasanid Periods and Chart: Babylonian Exilarchs.)<br />

Until the Arab Conquest<br />

The government of Babylonian Jewry for the first 12 centuries<br />

C.E. lay in the hands of the exilarch. Rabbinic traditions incorporated<br />

in the *Seder Olam Zuta, trace the origin of the institution<br />

to the last years of the exile of Jehoiachin, on the basis<br />

of II Kings 25:27. Further data were derived from I Chronicles<br />

3:17ff. Whether such an institution actually existed before Parthian<br />

times is not known, and certainty is impossible. Sources<br />

on Jewish life in first-century Parthian Babylonia, however,<br />

leave little ground to suppose there was an exilarch then. Josephus’<br />

account of the Jewish “state” of *Anilaeus and Asinaeus<br />

suggests, to the contrary, that no state-sanctioned Jewish<br />

government functioned at that time. Whatever the earlier<br />

situation, Neusner has put forward the conjecture that the<br />

Parthian government under Vologases I (d. 79 C.E.) probably<br />

established a feudal regime to govern Jewry as part of its<br />

600 ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 6

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