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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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the large-scale industrial establishments because they could<br />

hardly compete with large-scale industrial firms in the production<br />

of goods and had therefore either to become suppliers<br />

to the large firms of some specialized goods or producers<br />

of market goods that were outside the assortment manufactured<br />

by large-scale industry. Given the scarcity of capital in<br />

the social milieu from which the small-scale producers or entrepreneurs<br />

were recruited, their proximity to industrial centers<br />

and markets was absolutely crucial. Small-scale industrial<br />

firms did not possess the capital to carry large stocks, and a<br />

quick turnover was their only mode of survival. A great deal<br />

of flexibility in product-mix and in assuring sources of demand<br />

was required to keep the enterprises in operation. They<br />

also required a labor force skilled but not overly specialized<br />

and with relatively few employment alternatives to accept a<br />

less-than-regular employment. This was a typical solution for<br />

economic branches that operated with a basically backward<br />

technology at low levels of productivity, low wages, and long<br />

hours of work, in what were fringes of the consumer goods<br />

industries. It was due to the declining role of handicraft production,<br />

which was suffering from industrial competition, that<br />

this type of industrial employment was acceptable to Jewish<br />

industrial job seekers.<br />

Jewish entrepreneurs did, however, play an important<br />

role in providing gainful employment for large numbers of<br />

Jews. It may be assumed that for a Jewish entrepreneur there<br />

existed a “psychological income” in providing employment for<br />

other Jews, whether he did so for reasons of greater familiarity<br />

and cultural affinity or because it was considered a “good<br />

deed” in cases when discrimination in favor of Jewish employees<br />

increased his operational costs. Those costs, in turn, depended<br />

upon the nature of the labor supply and the distribution<br />

of skills within the Jewish labor force and within the total<br />

population. If the costs of hiring Jewish labor were less than<br />

or equal to those of hiring other members of the labor force,<br />

it can be assumed that there were no costs in the discrimination<br />

in favor of employing Jews. As will be seen from a number<br />

of examples, the employment pattern of Jewish labor by<br />

Jewish entrepreneurs did not in fact impose additional costs<br />

upon the employers. There were, however, two other obstacles<br />

that had to be overcome in order to have the employment of<br />

a Jewish labor force reach a significant level. The first constraint<br />

was the assumed or real strength of the religious taboo<br />

against work on the Sabbath, regardless of whether the taboo<br />

was expressed in the behavior of workers or in the attitudes<br />

of the entrepreneurs. The second constraint was the assumed<br />

animosity of non-Jewish workers and foremen toward Jewish<br />

co-workers. There is no doubt that such constraints upon<br />

the entrepreneurs were real, especially in the later part of the<br />

19th century in Eastern Europe.<br />

The cases of a few industries in Europe and one in the<br />

U.S. are instructive since they provide a broad spectrum of<br />

employment opportunities created by Jewish entrepreneurs<br />

for Jewish workers. One is the *textile industry in Russian<br />

Poland in which Jewish spinners, weavers, and other textile<br />

economic history<br />

workers were predominantly employed in the smaller-scale<br />

enterprises, while the larger-scale factories refrained from<br />

employing them. Second is the case of the forestry trade, in<br />

which few Jewish workers and laborers could compete successfully<br />

with the low-paid peasants seeking off-season employment<br />

in lumbering. Therefore, thousands of Jews were<br />

employed in this industry by Jewish firms as overseers in the<br />

forests, sawmills, and transportation of the products, much of<br />

the output being destined for export or railroad construction.<br />

Thus, the demand for trained personnel with a degree of familiarity<br />

with the operation and quality standards in forestry<br />

and with some clerical skills attracted many Jewish workers<br />

and employees. While such a combination of skills was rare in<br />

the general labor force, and the wages and salaries accepted by<br />

the Jewish workers were generally low, there was hardly any<br />

cost of discriminating in favor of Jewish employment in the<br />

forestry trade. <strong>In</strong> the third case, the sugar and oil industries<br />

may be subsumed under one type of employment. Neither in<br />

sugar-beet growing nor in the processes of sugar refining were<br />

Jews represented. The same is true for the oil industry located<br />

outside the Jewish *Pale of Settlement. The Jews could compete<br />

neither with the peasants and local oil-workers nor with<br />

the highly skilled specialists in sugar and oil refining. The areas<br />

of employment for Jews provided for them by Jewish entrepreneurs<br />

were those of distribution and trade. Thus, thousands<br />

of Jews were employed as clerical personnel, salesmen,<br />

and sales agents in the trade networks of both the sugar and<br />

oil industries. The outstanding case of industrial employment<br />

provided by Jewish entrepreneurs for Jewish workers in the<br />

U.S. is the garment industry. The levels of skill brought over<br />

by the Jewish immigrants, the relatively low wage schedule<br />

of the garment industry, and the relatively small scale of the<br />

operations of the firms led to a high concentration of Jewish<br />

workers, with the industry as a whole serving as a massive<br />

source of employment.<br />

The above examples illustrate some of the patterns of<br />

the penetration by Jews into areas of industrial employment.<br />

They are indicative of the manner in which masses of former<br />

artisans and pauperized elements of the Jewish community<br />

could join the ranks of industrial workers and employees. As<br />

in other societies, child labor and long-term apprenticeship<br />

were the chief means of skill-acquisition for the poor. Although<br />

the capital-goods industries were virtually closed for<br />

both Jewish entrepreneurs and workers alike, industrial employment<br />

concentrated in consumer goods industries signified<br />

the adjustment to modern, industrial society and injected a<br />

new dynamism both in the social relations within the Jewish<br />

communities and with the community at large.<br />

MAINTENANCE OF POSITIONS IN THE SERVICE SECTOR OF<br />

THE ECONOMY. The service sector includes employment in<br />

trade, transportation and communication, public and private<br />

services, and the liberal professions. For the huge segment of<br />

the Jewish population previously employed in it, largely in<br />

trade and particularly commodity trade, the problem of eco-<br />

ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 6 131

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