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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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Similarly, the midrashic interpretations of the sacrifice of<br />

Isaac, of the dramas of Saul or of Job, are much closer to the<br />

existentialist point of view of Kierkegaard or of Kafka than to<br />

the systems of Maimonides or of Kant. The conflict between<br />

Saul and David was not a matter of ethics but of good or bad<br />

fortune. Abraham, ultimately, should have disobeyed the divine<br />

command to sacrifice his son, which was inspired more<br />

by Satan than by God. Job was perfectly innocent, and his inexplicable<br />

sufferings could generate nothing but tears. These,<br />

and similar themes, which are scattered throughout talmudic<br />

and ḥasidic literature, were often taken up by the Jewish<br />

existentialists of the 20th century such as Martin *Buber and<br />

Franz *Rosenzweig. They culminate in the doctrine of radical<br />

insecurity, whose sources one may find in the Bible, but<br />

which finds a more cohesive expression in a talmudic formulation:<br />

Kulei hai ve-ulai (“All this and perhaps?”). Even while<br />

the most apparently perfect conditions can be gathered together<br />

to weigh the balance in favor of good or evil, there yet<br />

remains a coefficient of uncertainty which is beyond good and<br />

evil. It is possible that events will follow the ethical expectations.<br />

It is also possible, however, that these expectations will<br />

not be fulfilled. It is true that this disorder is interpreted as a<br />

voluntary (and temporary) weakness of God which permits<br />

man to exercise his will. Thus, this metaethical Jewish view<br />

remains ultimately ethical and never leads to a passive pessimism.<br />

The divine transcendence does not disturb the ethical<br />

equilibrium except in order to call upon man to reestablish,<br />

together with God, an equilibrium which has been disrupted.<br />

The metaethical is the price for the inalienable moral essence<br />

of the Covenant.<br />

[Andre Neher]<br />

Bibliography: Bibliographies and Encyclopaedias:<br />

N. Amsel, Jewish Encyclopedia of Moral and Ethical Issues (1994);<br />

S.D. Breslauer, Contemporary Jewish Ethics: A Bibliographical Survey<br />

(1985); S.D. Breslauer, Modern Jewish Morality: A Bibliographical<br />

Survey (1986). <strong>In</strong> the Bible: F. Wagner, Geschichte des Sittlichkeitsbegriffs<br />

(1928–36); A. Weiser, Religion und Sittlichkeit der Genesis<br />

(1928); W.I. Baumgartner, Israelitische und altorientalische Weisheit<br />

(1933), 4–7, 24–30; F.R. Kraus, in: ZA, 43 (1936), 77–113; Kaufmann Y.,<br />

Toledot, 1 (1937), 27ff., 31ff., 431–3; 2 (1945), 68–70, 557–628; J. Hempel,<br />

Das Ethos des Alten Testaments (1938); H. Duesberg, Les scribes<br />

inspirés, 1 (1938), 92–126, 481–500; H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian<br />

Religion (1948), 56–80; N.W. Porteous, in: H.H. Rowley (ed.), Studies<br />

in Old Testament Prophecy (1950), 143–56; E. Neufeld, The Hittite<br />

Laws (1951), 53; A. Gelin, Morale et l’Ancient Testament (1952), 71–92;<br />

H. Kruse, in: Verbum Domini, 30 (1952), 3–13, 65–80, 143–53; H. Bonnet,<br />

Reallexikon der aegyptischen Religionsgeschichte (1952); W.G.<br />

Lambert, in: Ex Oriente Lux, 15 (1957–58), 184–96; idem, Babylonian<br />

<strong>Wisdom</strong> Literature (1960); S.E. Loewenstamm, in: Sefer S. Dim (1958),<br />

124–5; idem, in: BM, 13 (1962), 55–59; E. Jacob, in; VT Supplement, 7<br />

(1960), 39–51; E. Hammershaimb, ibid., 73–101; M. Greenberg, in: Y.<br />

Kaufmann Jubilee Volume (1960), 5–28. <strong>In</strong> Later Jewish Thought:<br />

M. Lazarus, Ethics of Judaism (1900); G.F. Moore, Judaism, 2 (1927,<br />

repr. 1958), 79–111; C.G. Montefiore and H. Loewe, Rabbinic Anthology<br />

(1963), 490–9; Guttmann, Philosophies, index; M. Kadushin,<br />

Worship and Ethics (1964); S. Bernfeld, Foundations of Jewish Ethics<br />

(1967); B. Herring, Jewish Ethics and Halakhah for Our Times: Sources<br />

ethiopia<br />

and Commentary, 2 vol. (1984–89); L. Finkelstein (ed.), The Jews, 2<br />

(1960 3 ), 1010–42; M.J. Routtenberg, in: F.E. Johnson (ed.), Patterns of<br />

Ethics in America Today (1960), 7–27.<br />

ETHIOPIA (Abyssinia), Christian kingdom in N.E. Africa.<br />

Under Egyptian rule from 2000 B.C.E. to about 1000 B.C.E.,<br />

Ethiopia (Heb. Kush) appears alongside Egypt in the Bible,<br />

sharing its prophesied doom (e.g., Isa. 20:3); Tirhakah, the<br />

pharaoh, is mentioned as king of Ethiopia during the Assyrian<br />

conquest of the Northern kingdom (II Kings 19:9 and<br />

Isa. 37:9). The wealth of Ethiopia and Seba are also cited (Isa.<br />

43:3; 45:14). However, Ethiopia figures most prominently as<br />

an example of a remote place, cf. Amos 9:7, where God rebukes<br />

Israel saying, “Are you not like the Ethiopians to me, O<br />

people of Israel?” <strong>In</strong>dependent of Egypt, Ethiopia was ruled<br />

by a dynasty of Arabian origin which invaded the country in<br />

the second century B.C.E., ruled from the city of Axum, and<br />

determined the Semitic quality of the customs and language<br />

of the Hamitic people. The kings at Axum called themselves<br />

negus-nagast (“king of kings”). They traced their descent to<br />

Menelik whom they claimed to have been the son of King Solomon<br />

and the queen of Sheba. This legend finds expression in<br />

the classic Ethiopian chronicle of the 14th century C.E., the Kebra<br />

Negast (“Glory of Kings”). Among other stories, the latter<br />

describes Solomon’s seduction of and contract with the queen<br />

of Sheba, whose son brought Judaic customs and civil law to<br />

Ethiopia. The Holy Ark was also conveyed to Ethiopia to be<br />

returned to Zion only when Christ would reappear in Jerusalem<br />

and the Ethiopian Christians would reign triumphant<br />

in the Holy City. <strong>In</strong>deed, the Coptic Monophysite Christianity<br />

accepted by the Ethiopians, probably in the fifth century,<br />

retained certain Jewish elements derived from the contact and<br />

influence of local Jews or from early Christianity itself. It is<br />

also possible that they were influenced by South Arabian Jews<br />

in pre-Islamic times. <strong>In</strong> the eighth century, the capital of the<br />

kingdom was moved from Axum as a result of Muslim expansion<br />

into Ethiopia. The Christian kings of the Zague dynasty<br />

who strove to restore their hegemony from the 13th century<br />

claimed descent from Solomon and maintained that the Ethiopian<br />

aristocracy was taken from Jerusalem to Axum. The lion<br />

of Judah has remained the symbol of the emperor of Ethiopia.<br />

The literary language of Ethiopia is Ge’ez, a Semitic tongue,<br />

which was replaced by Amharic. All holy works are written in<br />

Ge’ez, including the Bible (probably translated from Greek or<br />

Syriac) and the only complete extant versions of the apocryphal<br />

books of Enoch and Jubilees, which were translated from<br />

the lost Greek and included in the canon. During the Middle<br />

Ages, most works were translated from Arabic, including the<br />

major Jewish history, Josippon, called in Ge’ez, Zena Ayhud<br />

(“History of the Jews”), and other Jewish chronicles and religious<br />

works gleaned from Arabic sources.<br />

Ethiopian Church in Jerusalem<br />

The Ethiopian Church is one of the oldest churches in the<br />

Holy Land. An Ethiopian convert is mentioned in the Acts of<br />

ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 6 537

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