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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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economic history<br />

What were the characteristic features and effects of the<br />

migration process as a whole and of its various forms? The migration<br />

process started as soon as the Jewish population could<br />

rise above the level of poverty and isolation to which it had deteriorated<br />

in Eastern Europe by the end of the 18th and first half<br />

of the 19th century and regain its age-old habits of mobility. <strong>In</strong><br />

terms of numbers, the migration stream from continental Europe<br />

during the 100 years preceding World War II accounted<br />

for approximately 4,000,000 individuals, of which over 70%<br />

went to the United States, about 10% each to South America<br />

and Palestine, and the rest to Britain, Canada, South Africa,<br />

Australia, and other countries. Thus, in view of the fact that<br />

the North American continent absorbed three-quarters of the<br />

total international (or overseas) migration, the characteristics<br />

of this migration may be assumed as the most typical.<br />

The available data indicate that the migration was a<br />

family one (of whole families, even if separated by a one- or<br />

two-year period) rather than of single individuals; that it was<br />

a migration for settlement and not for work, saving, and return;<br />

and that it was a migration involving a relatively very<br />

high percentage of skilled workers. With respect to the last<br />

characteristic, only the data can be relied upon and little investigation<br />

beyond these can be done: the explanation of this<br />

phenomenon can only be surmised. It is logical to assume that<br />

the process of overseas migration required payment of transportation<br />

costs, in other words some amount of savings, and<br />

thus could not involve paupers. Therefore, it is logical to assume<br />

that the migrants were either members of the industrial<br />

labor force, or entrants into the labor force who already had<br />

acquired skills, or individuals who acquired particular skills<br />

in anticipation of their migration, having made an investment<br />

over and above their transportation costs or borrowed in anticipation<br />

of future returns. It was in large measure due to the<br />

industrial skills and some working habits of the migrants that<br />

their future relative success can be explained.<br />

Three further points need to be emphasized in connection<br />

with the migration problem. First, given the nature of<br />

the family ties within the Jewish community, the financing of<br />

migration took place within the extended family of the immigrants<br />

and was later also subsidized by the earnings of the<br />

immigrants, often virtually out of their first savings. Secondly,<br />

prior to the end of the 19th century there were already in operation<br />

well-organized voluntary associations that assisted<br />

in the migration process. <strong>In</strong> their absence the economic and<br />

psychological costs of migration would have been considerably<br />

higher. Thirdly, by organizing voluntary associations<br />

of mutual assistance, in part copying the models from Eastern<br />

Europe, the immigrants were able to help the new arrivals<br />

more effectively. Some relatively small part, probably not<br />

more than about 3% of the total of the migration movement,<br />

was financed and assisted by funds donated or collected on<br />

behalf of the migration, especially in the presence of an ideological<br />

or programmatic background. The two most outstanding<br />

examples were Palestine and the agricultural settlements<br />

in Argentina.<br />

The primary effect of both the intraregional and international<br />

migration of the Jews was to decrease the competition<br />

for employment opportunities where such were scarce and<br />

provide a higher return for the migrants where their labor<br />

and skills were in greater demand. Thus while the income<br />

of the migrants increased in comparison with their previous<br />

income level, the income level of those who remained<br />

behind did not fall. However, it must be admitted that the<br />

movement of millions of people within a few generations deprived<br />

the established Jewish communities of a young, enterprising,<br />

and skilled element. This movement had a number<br />

of demographic, economic, and cultural repercussions on the<br />

European Jewish communities. It is difficult to pinpoint such<br />

effects, but it certainly affected the age structure of the European<br />

communities by removing some of the middle groups<br />

(age groups 20–40 in particular). It also perhaps affected adversely<br />

the growth rate of the Jewish population in Europe,<br />

although it would be difficult to predict what that rate would<br />

have been under worse economic conditions in the absence<br />

of migration. <strong>In</strong> terms of its impact upon the social structure,<br />

it probably increased the economic polarization within the<br />

Jewish communities since neither the rich nor the very poor<br />

contributed to the migration stream. <strong>In</strong> another sense the migration<br />

movement contributed to a greater stability within the<br />

Jewish communities since it absorbed much of the unruly and<br />

nontraditionally inclined element of the community. Last but<br />

not least, the migration movement contributed to an activated<br />

exchange among Jewish communities, with a money transfer<br />

to Eastern Europe that not only subsidized further migration<br />

but supported relatives and community institutions, and that<br />

was in part compensated by an export of cultural and spiritual<br />

services from Europe to the areas of new settlement.<br />

PENETRATION INTO INDUSTRIAL EMPLOYMENT. Some assessment<br />

must be made of the conditions that enabled Jews<br />

to penetrate into industrial employment and maintain their<br />

position in the areas of services under conditions of modern<br />

industrialization. What adjustment was required on their<br />

part to attain their goals? Here we are concerned with entrepreneurial<br />

activities in the industrial sector as well as the<br />

transformation of handicraft employment into small-scale<br />

and larger-scale industrial employment. This entrepreneurial<br />

activity is not being considered here in terms of “Jewish<br />

contributions” to the development of this or that country, or<br />

the amassing of wealth by individuals of Jewish descent. It is<br />

beyond the purview of this account to dwell upon the Rothschilds<br />

in England and France, on the German-Jewish bankers,<br />

or on mining magnates in Africa or South America. <strong>In</strong><br />

addition, a distinction should be made between large-scale<br />

and small-scale entrepreneurs. While a few Jews entered industrial<br />

entrepreneurship via high finance, the banking system,<br />

etc., the multitude consisted of small-scale industrial<br />

entrepreneurs who were recruited mostly from the ranks of<br />

craftsmen and merchants, previously engaged in the puttingout<br />

system. They were subordinate to and dependent upon<br />

130 ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 6

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