CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

Joseph Nye has taken the lead in developing the concept of moral authority into that of
‘Soft Power’ which he defines as ‘the ability to attract others by the legitimacy of …
policies and the values that underlie them’ which contributes to the ability to ‘achieve
… goals without resorting to coercion or payment.’ 148 Noting the success the United
States enjoyed after the Second World War in drawing others into an enduring system
of alliances by utilising a combination of both soft and hard power, Nye expresses
concern that many current US policies undercut soft power, tending to enhance rather
than reduce the inevitable antagonisms and resentment that arise from America’s
dominant position in world affairs. Yet the particular threats associated with the rise of
international terrorism can only be met through cooperation with other countries.
Whilst self-interest will motivate other countries to cooperate, the extent of their
cooperation depends on the ‘attractiveness’ of the United States. By contrast ‘(w)hen
the United States becomes so unpopular that being pro-American is a kiss of death in
other countries’ domestic politics, foreign leaders are unlikely to make helpful
concessions…..And when U.S. policies lose their legitimacy in the eyes of others,
distrust grows, reducing U.S. leverage in international affairs.’ 149 (Emphasis added).
The legitimacy, in particular, of US leadership and dominance is exactly what came to
be strongly contested as a result of the 2003 Iraq War. Robert Kagan argues that it is
precisely the question of legitimacy that divides Americans and Europeans today
– not the legitimacy of each other’s political institutions, perhaps, but the
legitimacy of their respective visions of world order. More to the point, for the
first time since World War II, a majority of Europeans has come to doubt the
legitimacy of U.S. power and of U.S. global leadership. 150
It is easy to see, then, that legitimacy in the deployment of hard power, especially its
military form – essentially jus ad bellum and jus in bello – will directly impact on soft
power. Richard Bernstein of The New York Times made precisely this point in an
editorial marking the second anniversary of the September 11 attacks: ‘In the two years
since Sept. 11, 2001, the view of the United States as a victim of terrorism that deserved
the world’s sympathy and support has given way to a widespread vision of America as
an imperial power that has defied world opinion through unjustified and unilateral use
of military force.’ 151 Similarly, another eight months later, Thomas Friedman was to
argue the need for America to restore its honour ‘because never has the United States
and its president been so hated around the world as today.’ 152
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