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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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problems of mobilization and inflexibility, and the risks of attrition, have been<br />

magnified in the post war period, making it almost prohibitive to mount a major<br />

operation except against a clearly inferior enemy, as in the Falklands/Malvinas war of<br />

1982 or the Gulf operation of 1991’ 2 Yet, in fact, in neither of these cases was the<br />

enemy obviously or demonstrably inferior at the outset of the campaign. Kaldor aims to<br />

describe contemporary conflict in terms of ‘New Wars’ characterised by goals of<br />

‘identity politics in contrast to the geo-political or ideological goals of earlier wars.’ 3<br />

Moreover, in their conduct, they are characterised by an attempt to destabilize through<br />

fear and hatred:<br />

The aim is to control the population by getting rid of everyone of a different<br />

identity (and indeed a different opinion). Hence the strategic goal of these wars<br />

is population expulsion through various means such as mass killing, forcible<br />

resettlement, as well as a range of political, psychological and economic<br />

techniques of intimidation. 4<br />

There are important aspects in the picture painted by Kaldor for our consideration of the<br />

challenges presented to just war, but it is equally important to recognise that, like<br />

Turner’s, Kaldor’s description of contemporary warfare is not a complete picture of<br />

what has come to pass or is likely to in the immediate future: ‘New Wars’ are but part<br />

of the landscape.<br />

What is clear, though, is that there can be little expectation of an end to conflict.<br />

Picking up on Sir Henry Maine’s mid-nineteenth century observation that ‘War appears<br />

to be as old as mankind, but peace is a modern invention’ 5 Sir Michael Howard notes<br />

that:<br />

In the last decade of the twentieth century the liberal inheritors of the<br />

Enlightenment seemed once again poised to establish peace. … … No<br />

alternative model for a world order was on offer: that of Kant and his disciples<br />

seemed to have triumphed over all its competitors. … … The consensus seemed<br />

cemented by the challenge from Saddam Hussein, …, against whom the United<br />

Nations came together under US leadership to show a collective security<br />

considerably more credible than that evoked by the Korean challenge in 1950. 6<br />

Against this background Francis Fukayama made his famously premature<br />

announcement of ‘the end of history.’ 7 Yet, as Sir Michael continues ‘(w)ithin a<br />

decade, the general mood had turned sour, and the new millennium was to be greeted<br />

with apprehension rather than hope.’ 8 If this study is to proceed, then, it must make<br />

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