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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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anticipatory action to defend ourselves, even if uncertainty remains as to the<br />

time and place of the enemy’s attack. To forestall or prevent such hostile acts by<br />

our adversaries, the United States will, if necessary, act preemptively. 182<br />

Mindful, perhaps, of international concern expressed in response to the President’s<br />

words at West Point, the National Security Strategy does offer a slightly more<br />

conciliatory tone, recognizing the dangers inherent in promoting preventive war:<br />

The United States will not use force in all cases to preempt emerging threats, nor<br />

should nations use preemption as a pretext for aggression. Yet in an age where<br />

the enemies of civilization openly and actively seek the world’s most destructive<br />

technologies, the United States cannot remain idle while dangers gather. We will<br />

always proceed deliberately, weighing the consequences of our actions. To<br />

support preemptive options, we will:<br />

build better, more integrated intelligence capabilities to provide timely,<br />

accurate information on threats, wherever they may emerge;<br />

coordinate closely with allies to form a common assessment of the most<br />

dangerous threats; and<br />

continue to transform our military forces to ensure our ability to conduct<br />

rapid and precise operations to achieve decisive results.<br />

The purpose of our actions will always be to eliminate a specific threat to the<br />

United States or our allies and friends. The reasons for our actions will be clear,<br />

the force measured, and the cause just. 183<br />

Although the term ‘pre-emptive’ is used, there seemed to many to be an implication, at<br />

least, in the context of the term’s use that what was meant was ‘preventive’ in the sense<br />

of the distinction established above. (See p221). It is worth, then, revisiting that<br />

distinction and considering it in greater depth.<br />

As we have already seen (specifically at Section 1.2.4 ) the UN Charter limits states’<br />

right to use force to cases of self defence, and even then only ‘until the Security Council<br />

has taken the measures necessary to re-establish international peace and security.’ 184<br />

Moreover, the Charter appears to restrict acts of self defence to reaction to hostilities<br />

already committed: ‘Nothing in the present charter shall impair the inherent right of<br />

individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs …’ 185 (Emphasis added).<br />

However, weight of opinion favours the argument expressed as follows by Hugh Beach:<br />

‘It is clear that the term ‘inherent’ establishes that the right of self-defence has a basis in<br />

customary international law preceding the UN Charter and in no way dependent upon<br />

it.’ 186 Furthermore, that ‘inherent’ right is generally taken to include a right to take<br />

225

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