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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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Geoff Hoon argued that ‘… there was a threat, if not to the United Kingdom in the short<br />

term, then to our friends and allies in the Gulf region, as well as to the wider stability of<br />

the world if we had not intervened to deal with weapons of mass destruction in the<br />

hands of a regime like Saddam Hussein's. To that extent it was just.’ 179<br />

Earlier, in 2002, US President George W Bush expounded what has widely been<br />

deemed a doctrine of preventive war, in an address at a US Military Academy<br />

Graduation Parade 180 :<br />

For much of the last century, America's defense relied on the Cold War<br />

doctrines of deterrence and containment. In some cases, those strategies still<br />

apply. But new threats also require new thinking. Deterrence -- the promise of<br />

massive retaliation against nations -- means nothing against shadowy terrorist<br />

networks with no nation or citizens to defend. Containment is not possible when<br />

unbalanced dictators with weapons of mass destruction can deliver those<br />

weapons on missiles or secretly provide them to terrorist allies.<br />

We cannot defend America and our friends by hoping for the best. We cannot<br />

put our faith in the word of tyrants, who solemnly sign non-proliferation treaties,<br />

and then systemically break them. If we wait for threats to fully materialize, we<br />

will have waited too long.<br />

….. And our security will require all Americans to be forward-looking and<br />

resolute, to be ready for preemptive action when necessary to defend our liberty<br />

and to defend our lives. (Emphasis added)<br />

The speech at West Point trailed ideas that were to be formally articulated in the US<br />

2002 National Security Strategy 181 :<br />

For centuries, international law recognized that nations need not suffer an attack<br />

before they can lawfully take action to defend themselves against forces that<br />

present an imminent danger of attack. Legal scholars and international jurists<br />

often conditioned the legitimacy of preemption on the existence of an imminent<br />

threat—most often a visible mobilization of armies, navies, and air forces<br />

preparing to attack.<br />

We must adapt the concept of imminent threat to the capabilities and objectives<br />

of today’s adversaries. Rogue states and terrorists do not seek to attack us using<br />

conventional means. They know such attacks would fail. Instead, they rely on<br />

acts of terror and, potentially, the use of weapons of mass destruction—weapons<br />

that can be easily concealed, delivered covertly, and used without warning.<br />

… ….<br />

The United States has long maintained the option of preemptive actions to<br />

counter a sufficient threat to our national security. The greater the threat, the<br />

greater is the risk of inaction — and the more compelling the case for taking<br />

224

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