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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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organisations/arrangements acting under the auspices of the UN (Article 53) and, within<br />

certain limitations, in self-defence (Article 51). Thus, Skubiszewski goes on to argue,<br />

‘there is in the Charter not only a ban on the use or threat of force but also an attempt to<br />

centralize the competence to employ force in international relations.’ 160 Even the right<br />

to use force in self-defence, as contained in Article 51, is limited to action ‘until the<br />

Security Council has taken the measures necessary to maintain international peace and<br />

security.’<br />

The right of intervention, erstwhile recognized by classical international law as lawful<br />

in certain circumstances (by a suzerain or protecting state, by authority of a treaty or for<br />

humanitarian purposes), is suspended by the legalist paradigm established by the UN<br />

Charter. Furthermore, non-intervention is made a principle without exception by UN<br />

General Assembly Resolution 2131 (XX) of 21 Dec 1965 which incorporates the<br />

‘Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and<br />

the Protection of their Independence and Sovereignty’:<br />

No state has the right to intervene, directly or indirectly, for any reason<br />

whatever, in the internal or external affairs of any other state. Consequently<br />

armed intervention and all other forms of interference or attempted interference<br />

against the personality of the state or against its political, economic and cultural<br />

elements are condemned. 161<br />

We can see, then, that the underlying value hierarchy of the Charter paradigm is firmly<br />

based on a Westphalian privileging of the sovereignty of states, preferring order to<br />

justice. As Anthony Arend says:<br />

Although justice – the promotion of human rights, the encouragement of selfdetermination,<br />

the rectification of economic problems, the correction of past<br />

wrongs and the equitable resolution of a host of other problems – remained a<br />

goal of the United Nations, it simply was not to be sought at the expense of<br />

peace. The framers of the Charter believed that a greater harm would be done to<br />

the international system by using force to promote justice than by allowing a<br />

particular injustice to continue. Thus, no matter how just the cause, any threat or<br />

use of force against the existing political or territorial integrity of a state was<br />

considered unlawful. 162<br />

Contemporary debate about a right to humanitarian intervention or of the necessity for<br />

preventive war, for example, clearly runs entirely contrary to this foundation. Indeed, it<br />

can be argued that although on the one hand the UN Charter represents the apogee of<br />

56

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