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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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a clear perception of the new world order he intended to introduce, together with<br />

the power to impose it. …….<br />

Above all he believed in the creation of a league of nations who would mutually<br />

guarantee each other’s security; one bound together not just by unwritten<br />

understandings based on perceptions of common interest like the old Concert of<br />

Europe, but by firm legal covenants: a vision sketched out by Kant … that had<br />

become a central aspiration for the peace movements of the nineteenth century.<br />

Championed by Wilson, and proposed by him as early as 1916 53 , the League of Nations<br />

sought to establish the mechanisms of collective consultation and arbitration that, it was<br />

believed, would negate the need to resort to war. If its hopes were dashed, then the<br />

same triumphal optimism can be seen in the wording of the UN Charter nearly three<br />

decades later (though it will be argued later that despite its universalist rhetoric, the UN<br />

Charter was very much a realist construct):<br />

We the peoples of the United Nations determined to save succeeding generations<br />

from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow<br />

to mankind, and to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and<br />

worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations<br />

large and small, and to establish conditions under which justice and respect for<br />

the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be<br />

maintained, and to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger<br />

freedom, and for these ends to practice tolerance and live together in peace with<br />

one another as good neighbours…… 54<br />

The same can be said of much of the rhetoric surrounding President George Bush<br />

(Snr)’s declaration of a New World Order 55 at the end of the Cold War; and Francis<br />

Fukayama’s famous, if now obviously premature, declaration of the ‘end of history.’ 56<br />

We shall conclude this survey of liberalism with a brief description of the liberal<br />

response to post-World War Two neo-realism, a highly deterministic form of realism in<br />

which states are seen as programmed into their responses to events by the international<br />

system in which they find themselves. The response is commonly referred to as neo- or<br />

institutional-liberalism and counts amongst its leading proponents Joseph Nye and<br />

Robert Keohane.<br />

Neorealism has accepted that, notwithstanding international anarchy – in the sense of<br />

the absence of a common government – there is, nevertheless, a structure to<br />

20

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