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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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that invincibility dubious (as demonstrated most cruelly in Mogadishu in 1993) and<br />

made technological advantage, except in the increasingly rare incidents of symmetric<br />

state-on-state conflict, far less relevant than expected. Furthermore, as Gray notes, the<br />

most technologically advanced weaponry is only effective in the hands of well trained<br />

troops, adequately imbued with the will to fight 21 (which connects with the discussion<br />

in Chapter 2, Section 2.3.3 , on the importance at the individual level of moral<br />

justification for conflict, and its moral conduct.)<br />

Münkler suggests there has been a gradual change in which states have given up (or had<br />

wrested from them) their de-facto monopoly of war to para-state and private actors<br />

including a new breed of military entrepreneurs. Many new wars can be seen to have<br />

economic foundations. Ethnic-cultural tensions and religious factors are invariably<br />

present but more often than not are themselves a resource for the warlords than a<br />

genuine causus bellum. 22 Three principal characteristics can be identified in new wars:<br />

de-statization, that is the proliferation and increasing importance of non-state-actors;<br />

asymmetry, in particular the attempt to focus violence on the weak and vulnerable, as a<br />

matter of deliberate policy, rather than against the enemy’s military forces; and thirdly<br />

the ‘automization of forms of violence that used to be part of a single military system.’ 23<br />

That is the use of guerrilla warfare and terrorism, once tactical options, as strategic ends<br />

in their own right.<br />

The statization of war, roughly speaking from the 30 Years War onwards, resulted in<br />

the establishing of boundaries and demarcations that its modern de-statization is seeing<br />

eroded. As states’ territorial boundaries were formally established, so it became<br />

possible to delineate between peace and war (marked by the crossing of one state’s<br />

borders by the forces of another); and also between friend and enemy. Second order<br />

distinctions were then possible: between combatant and non-combatant; between<br />

allowable acts of violence in war and other, criminal, acts of violence; and between acts<br />

of violence and war on the one hand and acts of trade and commerce on the other. Now,<br />

as states’ monopoly on warfare decreases, these distinctions again become blurred.<br />

169

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