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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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and state practice evinced by the Osirak episode to be one firmly set against a right to<br />

pre-emptive self-defence. 192<br />

Yet this has not always been the case. By contrast, when Israel attacked Egypt pre-<br />

emptively in 1967, there was general acceptance that she had acted with justification.<br />

The series of UN Security Council Resolutions passed following the Israeli attack<br />

demanded a cease-fire but fell short of any condemnation of the Israeli action. 193<br />

UNSCR 242 of 22 November 1967 194 does, however, call for the withdrawal of Israeli<br />

forces from the occupied territories. Hugh Beach concludes, therefore, that ‘the<br />

international community condoned Israel’s pre-emptive action on the grounds that the<br />

UAR had clearly signalled its imminent intention to attack, while rejecting as<br />

disproportionate Israel’s occupation of the whole of Sinai.’ 195 Walzer, whilst fully<br />

accepting the Israeli action as legitimate, nevertheless sees it requiring a major revision<br />

of the legalist paradigm. 196 This is because, despite Egyptian rhetoric and aggressive<br />

deployment of troops close to Israel’s borders, it is far from clear than any actual attack<br />

was intended. Rather, argues Walzer, Nasser’s intention was to create a climate of fear<br />

and thus seriously undermine Israel’s security without actually attacking at that time; he<br />

could do this because of the imbalance of forces. Israel was almost entirely dependent<br />

on the mobilization of reservists who could not be kept on active duty indefinitely,<br />

whilst Egypt and her allies, Syria and Iraq, could keep large numbers of troops<br />

deployed, threateningly, along the frontier for as long as they wished. Walzer describes<br />

the Israeli position, therefore, as one of ‘just fear’. He formulates the revised legalist<br />

paradigm as: ‘States may use military force in the case of threats of war, whenever the<br />

failure to do so would seriously risk their territorial integrity or political independence.<br />

Under such circumstances it can fairly be said that they have been forced to fight and<br />

that they are victims of aggression.’ 197 Taking a domestic law analogy, he asks us to<br />

consider the circumstances of an unstable society: ‘a state under threat is like an<br />

individual hunted by an enemy who has announced his intention of killing or injuring<br />

him. Surely such a person may surprise his hunter, if he is able to do so.’ 198<br />

The different international responses to the Caroline Case, Osirak and the 1967 Six-Day<br />

War suggest that rather than a clear cut right or wrong view of anticipatory action,<br />

227

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