CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

upholding the law is a good thing and the erosion of its standing is something to be
taken into account when calculating the overall good to be achieved. Ramsey, then,
would undoubtedly follow the logic (whether or not he agreed in the specific incident)
of the International Kosovo Commission’s ‘illegal but legitimate.’ (See p98) Right
intent, rather than simply just cause, seems to be the key.
An important facet of Ramsey’s argument is the recognition that no state or group of
states can do all that rightly should be done. The obligation to intervene has to be
balanced by the realization that we cannot do everything; the resources reasonably
available to states, especially the most powerful (and therefore most obligated), have to
form part of the calculus.
Tony Blair’s seminal ‘Chicago Speech’ (see p97) also made this point: ‘Looking around
the world there are many regimes that are undemocratic and engaged in barbarous acts.
If we wanted to right every wrong that we see in the modern world then we would do
little else than intervene in the affairs of other countries. We would not be able to
cope.’ 113 The speech acknowledged the importance of the principle of non-intervention:
Non-interference has long been considered an important principle of
international order. And it is not one we would want to jettison too readily. One
state should not feel it has the right to change the political system of another or
forment subversion or seize pieces of territory to which it feels it should have
some claim.
Nevertheless, it took the same track that was examined above (see Section 3.3.2 ):
‘…...... the principle of non-interference must be qualified in important respects. Acts of
genocide can never be a purely internal matter. When oppression produces massive
flows of refugees which unsettle neighbouring countries then they can properly be
described as "threats to international peace and security"’. 114 Blair then went on to
outline five broad criteria to be met as the conditions for intervention. They have a
distinctly just war tone to them:
First, are we sure of our case? War is an imperfect instrument for righting
humanitarian distress; but armed force is sometimes the only means of dealing
with dictators. Second, have we exhausted all diplomatic options? We should
always give peace every chance, as we have in the case of Kosovo. Third, on the
basis of a practical assessment of the situation, are there military operations we
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